From The Saturday Review.
AYRTON'S "AT HOMES."

the official, except the Prime Minister, who could only explain away and throw over the dangerous aggressiveness of his unmanageable subordinate. We are not concerned to take part in the abstruse controversy raised before the incident of the National Gallery debate as to the appropriateness of the epithet "noble savage," applied to the First Commissioner. We are convinced from the experience of Friday in last week that there can be no doubt as to the truthfulness of the substantive part of the appellation.

MR. AYRTON'S Fridays are rapidly taking their place among the most celebrated entertainments of the season. His Barry night on the 13th was in its way perfect, but the unanimous voice of discriminating critics has pronounced that he was even more successful with his National Gallery in the following week. After all, Mr. Barry is only an artist and a gentleman, and when our Commissioner had succeeded in showing that he had ignominiously dismissed an eminent man for no greater crime The most curious and recondite question than that of performing for ten years a large remains behind - what useful result did Mr. amount of difficult public service, for which Gladstone forecast to himself, his Governhe was peculiarly competent, at an average ment, his party, or his country, in placing profit to himself of 1791. per annum; that the member for the Tower Hamlets in that he had met Mr. Barry with contumely for especial office for which from the first mosubstantially surrendering to him all that he ment of his obtaining a seat in the House was rightly or wrongly claiming; that he of Commons he had laboriously striven to could stoop to quibble about the reality show his inaptitude? That Mr. Gladstone, of an architect's engagement merely because the poet and refined translator, Mr. Gladthere was no formal appointment to produce; stone the literary enthusiast - -executor and and that he was doing his best to drag the assign of Homer, Mr. Gladstone, votary State into a discreditable lawsuit with an in- of painting, enamoured of sculpture, first offensive private man, Mr. Ayrton merely in ceramic taste and sacred bard of Wedgproved his capacity for insulting and tramp- wood could have desired to deal a heavy ling on an individual victim. But on the blow and great discouragement to art and 20th there was a very wilderness of inci- generosity and national nobleness of heart, dents through which the noble savage made we do not believe. That Mr. Gladstone free to range. The faith of successive could in the interest of some obscure party Governments all pledged up to the eyes to exigency, and in obedience to the importurebuild the National Gallery, and the money nity of less long-suffering and thoroughly already spent or promised to buy the site, worn-out colleagues, have wilfully shut his every farthing of which until the works be- eyes to the injury which this ill-starred apgan was a profligate waste; the scheme of pointment was sure to inflict on all which hanging pictures in rooms where nobody he had himself valued and taught others to could decypher their subjects; the general value, we will not believe. That Mr. claim of architects all round to be men of Gladstone could have expected to consolicommon capacity and common honesty; date his influence and increase his popularthe courtesy expected from the Government ity by gagging that tongue whose animosity towards the unpaid trustees of the national never failed to elicit sympathy for its viccollections; the gratitude due from the tim we cannot believe. In face of these public to donors of art treasures, and the impossibilities we can only fall back upon obligation of providing for those treasures what we knew before, and own that Mr. a receptacle free from the risks of fire; Gladstone is a mysterious man; that he often the credit which has accrued to England arrives at intellectual results by processes from the great name of Turner, and the the coherence of which is absolutely dark debt to his memory in the fulfilment of the to less gifted thinkers, and that when the express conditions on which he made the steps of his argument are clear they are nation his legatee, were among the points such as to more prosaic eyes appear to lead violently forced into question by the Com-to a contrary issue.

missioner, and in one not very long speech On the sound principle, then, of the posthe Right Honourable Bersekar befouled sibility of the inconceivable, let us endeavthem all. Even the generally staid our to reach the ultimate cause of Mr. and temperate Mr. Thomas Baring was Ayrton's being at the Board of Works, and roused to unwonted indignation by the inso- of his being sustained at that Board by Mr. lent boutade, and contributed the not least Gladstone. The Prime Minister, all will effective speech to a debate which was concede, is a philosopher and a statesman memorable from every speaker on both of generous impulses, and he finds himself, sides of the House combining to chastise at an age which is to our generation com

built within an appreciable time, and Mr. Gladstone explained that his subordinate intended to assure the House that its construction was an object much desired by the Government. Assuming the gloss to override the text, we have only to say that the coincidence of some four or five other large public buildings being in various stages of progress or contemplation is a plea as futile as it is vexatious for leaving the pictures of the country in a receptacle not only inadequate, but subject to the constant risk of irremediable destruction by fire. If the assertion is to go abroad through Europe and America that the long-delayed and long-despised claim of the Natural History collections of the British Museum to be better housed of which we desire as much as Mr. Gladstone to see the immediate acknowledgement is to estop the simultaneous construction, for some contemptibly small number of thousand pounds, of that hidden and unornamented first section of the new National Gallery without which the acquisition of the ground upon which it is to stand will be a wanton largess of money elsewhere useful, we shall indeed have purchased public economy at the heavy price of national respectability.

paratively young for his position, master of the largest majority and the most subservient Parliament which ever said amen to its leader's assertions. Such an elevation is enough to turn the head of a man of the most austere virtue. The sweetness of the goblet is cloying; the height of the pinnacle dazes; the glories of the situation dazzle and sicken; the picture wants shadow; the uses of adversity make themselves felt by their absolute absence; the pampered frame calls for the long, dull, self-applied stripes of the sharp-knotted discipline. Mr. Gladstone, we doubt not, has often prayed to be allowed to enjoy for four-andtwenty hours the sensation vouchsafed to his rival for ten whole months of being a powerless Premier in face of a pitiless preponderance of opponents. But as the too kind fates deny the boon, he is driven to the choice of something which, while it preserves the material accidents of prosperity, brings him into acquaintance with the bracing circumstances of adversity. A man of culture and refined taste would naturally gratify his personal inclinations by choosing as his colleague a statesman of similar gifts and like studies; he can do efficacious penance by bringing to his official bosom the droning brawler who boasts his ignorance and vilipends those attributes in other men which he cannot even lash himself up to envy. Crichton lies down with Cade, Achilles mates with Thersites. From The Spectator. The Parliamentary dictator cannot throw THE VOTE OF THE FRENCH ARMY. off his oppressive incubus of a majority. THAT the recent vote of the French reckoned at ten dozen, but he can create Army has been a surprise, as well to the a Right Honourable Friend whose inti- enemies as to the friends of the Secon macy is more galling than the animosity of Empire, it is impossible to doubt. Tue a hundred and twenty Tories. He may Emperor himself was in such a hurry to feel that his redundant gifts of rhetoric are show, or to endeavour to show, that he at rusting because the lord of the great bat- least had no doubts as to the fidelity of his talions has no need of eloquence to crush soldiers, that before the official proclamathe straggling handfuls of his foes, and he tion of the vote on the Plebiscitum, he put magnanimously creates a reason for their forth a manifesto to the Army which bore utmost tension by placing at his side upon on the face of it marks of the haste with the Olympian bench a Minister who cannot which it had been composed. In his letter venture an opinion without blundering out to Marshal Leboeuf his Majesty actually ig an insult for which his chief has to apolo-nored the recent title he had conferred on gize, and who cannot tender a statement the Minister of War, and addressed him as without creating an inference to which that chief has to offer a ready contradiction. Such, we are convinced, are the reasons which must have led Mr. Gladstone to the selection of his present First Commissioner of Works, and if the results surpass his anticipation, so much the more creditable will be the foresight which selected such a man for such a post.

We need not spend many words upon the future of the National Gallery. Mr. Ayrton sneered at the idea of its ever being

"my dear General," instead of "my dear Marshal"! The returns of the regimental vote at the different garrisons, which had at first been published, were stopped by superior order when it was found that at some of the most important stations, at Havre and Nantes notably, the "Noes" had actually obtained a majority. Of course, when the vote of the Army became known, and it was found that one out of every seven soldiers had thrown a " Non" into the ballot-box, the Republican journals went into ecstasies,

and spoke of nothing less than the soldiers | mere aristocratic idlers, like the officers of shooting down their officers and proclaim- a neighbouring country; but with the priing the Republic. In spite of the absurdity vate soldiers the case is different. Sevenof such predictions, it is evident that the eighths of these latter are peasants, and the vote of the Army has caused great annoy- sort of peasants whose brains have been ance in more than one quarter. If any dulled by a long process of natural selecproof of this were needed, it would be found tion," the sharpest sons having all gone to the orders of the day which have been be workmen in the large towns and the dullissued by the colonels of the recalcitrant est having stayed behind to misarrange the regiments, the order of the Colonel of the hereditary half-acre and to beget children 61st, for example, expressing fear of punish- as thick-headed as themselves. From them ment on the whole regiment. is drawn the vast majority of the rank and There are two totally opposite explana-file of the French Army. They make good tions of the unexpected number of " Nons" soldiers enough in time, becoming mere main the Army. The first, that of the irrecon- chines, and often with little more intelligence. cilable papers, the Marseillaise, the Rappel, Although reading is now taught in the miliand the like, is that it is now clear that the tary schools, a studious soldier is not looked Army is a mere broken reed in the hands on with a favourable eye by his superiors. of Napoleon III.; that it is really Republi- Newspapers especially are regarded by but can at heart, and that the appearance of too many commanding officers as devices nearly 50,000 negative votes, in spite of the of the Evil One, to lead the conscript astray. immense pressure put on the soldiers, is a Indeed, a French soldier reading a newspasign that a far larger proportion would have per is as rare a sight as an English one voted against the Empire had they dared. without his cap on one side, or walking withHence they conclude that there is little or out a stick in his hand. There exists, too, no danger of the soldiers using their chasse- a good deal of discontent in the French pots in case of a general uprising. The Army as to purely military questions, such second explanation is that of the Govern- as the maintenance of the term of engagement papers, and if we may conclude ment at seven years, instead of its reduction from their silence on so important a matter to three. Rightly or wrongly, there is a of a good many of the Liberal organs as general belief in the ranks that the Emperor well, viz.:-That the soldiers as a rule are, promised some time ago to have the term if left to themselves, little better than over- of service reduced to three years, and it is grown children, and will vote one way or quite possible that many of the men who the other, as the whim of the moment may have already served three years consider incline them. They maintain that many of themselves ill-used, and voted Non" just the "Nons" may be attributed to such tri- to give his Majesty a reminder. For these fles as the badness of food in some particular reasons, looking to the extreme difficulty barracks, the unpopularity of certain colo- of a propaganda (and the conscripts are nels; or again, the wish of some of the con- certainly not born Irreconcilables) in favour scripts to show at once their independence of a Republic, in the ranks, we are inclined and to annoy their sous-officiers, it being to conclude that but a small proportion of natural to the conscript mind to hate the the negative votes recently given can be man who teaches it the goose-step. Again, fairly attributed to a feeling of hostility to it is remarked that there is great jealousy Napoleon III. among his soldiers. To our between the soldiers of the Line and those mind, it would be of infinitely greater imof the Imperial Guard, and it is averred that portance to know how the officers voted on the mere fact of its being known that the the 8th of May. For it seems to us that, Guard would vote "Oui" was quite enough seeing the stupidity and ignorance which to make the Line do the contrary. These prevail to an extent of which only those who different theories being nearly all ex parte, have had personal experience of it can form they must be taken for what they are worth; an adequate conception, among the private but we think that anyone who knows French soldiers, their votes, one way or the other, soldiers, and who recollects how entirely are of little or no moment. But the very their ideas are centred in their regiments, unimportance of the vote of the rank and will be ready to grant that it is more file makes that of their officers of doubly than likely many votes were prompted by great moment. With these latter it is quite causes wholly distinct from political. French another matter, they and doubtless a officers are as highly-instructed and as in- good many of the sous-officiers as welltelligent, to say the least, as those of any have all well defined political opinions, other nation, all of them true soldiers, lov- either for or against the existing regime, ing, as a rule, their profession, and not opinions which are not to be influenced by

and at present they are with him, will the Army support him; that they will maintain him on the Throne, or support the claims of his heir, against the wishes of the majority of the educated, we can see no reason to believe.

From The Pall Mall Gazette.

the popularity of their colonels, or by any very fairly the general feeling of the vast of the trifling motives which weigh with the majority of French officers; they, in commen under their command. That a consid-mon with all the members of the middle and erable number of French officers, some of upper classes-to which, it should be rethem in high positions General MacMa-membered, two-thirds of them belong both hon is a notable instance — are, theoretically by birth and education-determined to at all events, in favour of a Republican form check resolutely all disorders in Paris or of government is no secret in Paris. Even elsewhere, all attempts to change by violat a time when the horrors of the Coup ence the existing order of things, whether d'Etat were still fresh in men's minds, many those attempts emanate from the Faubourg who would shrink with horror from swear- du Temple or from the Palace of the Tuileing fidelity to the Emperor in order to ob-ries. Just so long as the Emperor continues tain any civil office did not hesitate to enter to keep the enlightened classes on his side, the Army, and to take the oath as soldiers, which they would never have done as citizens, considering that in so doing they were binding themselves to serve France, and not her ruler. Hence, among French officers may be found men of all shades of political opinion, Orleanists and Legitimists side by side with Republicans and Imperialists. For this, if for no other reason, we suspect there is, among the officers at all events, but little of that blind unreasoning worship ENGLISH OPINIONS ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS. of the name and dynasty of Napoleon which some of our contemporaries are so ready to THE mode in which some of the best attribute to all grades of the French Army. known organs of public opinion in England It argues, too, a grave ignorance of France have dealt with recent political events in and of French institutions to compare, as is France deserves a passing notice, and it too often done in England, the French Army would be well if the impression derived from to the Prætorians of the Roman Empire, and it could be something more than passing. to suppose that its chiefs can change the The general character of their sentiments destinies of forty millions of men. Only may be easily described. We had been in once in the present century, and then under the habit of expressing a degree of admirapeculiar circumstances, which, from the very tion for the Emperor which rather scandafact of their having occurred once, are not lized foreign Liberals. It seemed as though likely to occur again, have French officers we would condone any number of offences and soldiers allowed themselves to be made against Liberal principles so long as the imthe tools of a knot of conspirators against mediate consequences were beneficial to our the liberties of their country. Some months commercial interests. When, however, the ago, unless we are misinformed, several of system of personal government received a the most influential General Officers met check and seemed to be falling more or less together in order to consider what should be into disrepute, we suddenly bethought ourtheir own line of conduct under the new ré- selves that it was our special glory to be gime, and at the same time to take the opin- defenders of constitutional principles and ion of their brother officers as to the dispo- to sing the praises of parliamentary governsition of the men under their orders. The ment. We recollected that Cæsarism was result of their deliberations is said to have been this: If a truly Liberal Constitution be granted by the Emperor, we answer both for ourselves and the men we command: we and they will fight for a Liberal Empire like one man. But if, as some of the journals which are in a position to be well-informed pretend, a second coup d'état is to be attempted, we answer for nothing, neither for the obedience of the men nor our own willingness to attempt to aid such a scheme." The significance of such a resolution is evident, and it is not surprising if it had an influence on the person most nearly concerned. We imagine that the above reply resumes

not only an objectionable theory, but opposed to all the best traditions of English politics, and we congratulated our neighbours on their tardy accession to sound principles. The wheel has turned once more, and universal suffrage has given a verdict in favour of the Imperial power. Straightway we go back to our old frame of mind and bring out the little store of platitudes which we had temporarily laid aside. We explain to ourselves with much complacency that the French people are totally unfitted for a rational system of government. They are only capable of oscillating between slavery and anarchy. Either they must bow hum

bly before the pretensions of personal gov- ally appear to consider that we have a kind ernment or they must abandon themselves of vested interest in constitutional governto the violent experiments of revolutionary ment, and that we may laugh at the feeble theorists. Temperate allegiance to a rea- experiments of foreigners in that direction, sonable Government is altogether beyond as we laughed in former days at their efforts their power. If they break their chains for at horseracing or naval enterprise. It is a a time it is only to plunge into wild excesses; plant, we seem to say, which will only grow and so we recommend them to make them- in our soil; and if you fail in the attempt to selves as comfortable as may be under the naturalize it we can only regard you with a circumstances, and to trust implicitly to the contemptuous smile. Whether right or surpassing wisdom and foresight of the ruler wrong, this is not a point of view in which whom Providence has sent them. If he foreigners can be expected to sympathize. chooses to adopt a reactionary policy in the They do not admit our immeasurable supeinterests of his dynasty it is rather unfortu- riority, and think that a sound political sysnate, especially as he is not immortal, and tem, a sound religious creed, should be caeven the most sanguine prophets would hes-pable of transplantation from its native soil. itate to predict a succession of rulers so sa- If we who have had the wisdom or the good gacious and so good as NAPOLEON III. fortune to carry out some great principles Still, Frenchmen are so incapable of ruling are the first to ridicule their failure elsethemselves that they had better make the where and pronounce them unsuitable to best of their blessings while Heaven is anybody but ourselves, our belief in them pleased to spare the great man. We will cannot be very profound. They must be not now inquire what are the true principles rather an accidental than an essential condito be applied to this particular case, but tion of our progress if they are only applimerely suggest that the readiness with which cable within the narrow limits of the four our applause follows the success of either seas. A moral influence in short, though it side is not the way to obtain respect for our cannot flourish if it is never to give birth to opinions. Our versatility in this respect practice, may be nevertheless a very real may account for some of that loss of pres- and powerful agent. There is a contagion tige of which we are accustomed to com- of opinion as well as of disease, and it should plain. In France more perhaps than else- be our ambition to disseminate through where the strength of any Government Europe the principles of which we have sindepends upon its prestige, and the prestige cere reason to be proud. We shall not do is affected by the sentiment of foreign coun- so effectually if our impulse is to turn upon tries. If we had systematically and stead- our unfortunate imitators at the first repulse ily condemned the evil side of the Imperial and say, What fools you were for trying to system, we might at least have encouraged follow in our steps! The tendency of too those who have to maintain a long uphill large a portion of the press has been to enstruggle against it. French Liberals are courage the notion, which at bottom we still opposed to difficulties and discouragements hold to be unfounded, that Englishmen do enough. At the moment when they seem to not really believe in constitutional governbe making a real step in advance, they are ment for continental nations. And though summarily crushed by the fears and the even the strongest faith might not justify us prejudices of millions of ignorant peasantry. in the attempt to propagate it by forcible They do what they can to keep alive a be- interference with other people, it would cer lief in the possibility of a freer and better tainly give a powerful argument to our dispolitical order; they might naturally hope ciples elsewhere. It would enable them to that in such a battle they could at least point to one corner of the world in which count upon English sympathies. We who the doctrines of political liberty are firmly are in the habit of boasting in season and rooted and defended through good and evil out of season of our attachment to parlia- report. And the influence of such an exmentary government, and whose example ample in maintaining the morale of a Libehas had so powerful an effect upon many of ral party throughout the world is more the greatest political thinkers in France, important than cynics who believe only in should afford them such consolation as we success, and who think that success depends can. We should prove to them that our exclusively upon the command of the strongfaith is too robust to give way at the first est battalions, are willing to admit. Engshock, that our professions have been some- land can seldom expect to take any promithing more than mere ebullitions of national nent part in European wars, but it may still Vanity, and that we really believe that a do much in supporting the hopes of intellicertain amount of freedom is good for other gent Liberals. If we are not to abandon a people besides Englishmen. We occasion-I really noble position, our newspaper writers