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"oh! ah!" but they sometimes, like the bark | mistakable phrases of joy and gratitude to of the dog, consist of two syllables, as oh the great Creator of the universe, dear!""oh la!" by Jove!" and others; and if men and women imagine by such expressions as these to express their pain, their wonder, their pleasure, or their anger, and to be readily understood by all who hear them, it may follow in the case of quadrupeds and birds, who use the same sort of speech, that they also can make themselves intelligible to their own species, and have, so far as interjection goes, laid the foundation of a language.

The singing birds, however, go far beyond the quadrupeds in this respect, and seem to have other parts of speech than the interjection. When the skylark breaks out into lyrical raptures, it needs no extraordinary effort of the poetical imagination to translate into words known to men its joyous song as it hovers under a cloud and straight above his nest, true, as Wordsworth says, to the kindred points of "heaven and home." The sounds that gush forth from its musical throat are un

We see it not, but we hear its voice, Singing aloud, "Rejoice! rejoice!" The song of the nightingale far richer both in vowels and consonants than that of the lark, has been the theme of poetry in all ages of the world, among such civilized nations as have inhabited a climate which the beautiful bird frequents. Joy, sorrow, love, supplication, lamentation, adoration, ecstacy, all are expressed in the song of the nightingale, in full voice, on a balmy moonlight night. To deny to such an utterance the inherent quality of ideas, merely because the words, for words they must be, are not intelligible except in the abstract to the listeners, is as unreasonable as it would be to deny, for the same reason, the poetry and the passion of a speech or a song in Italian, merely because the separate words of the great concrete discourse or hymn were unknown to one who was wholly ignorant of the language.

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UNPUBLISHED LINES BY CHARLES AND MARY | tion with the Lambs, I devoted some brief and LAMB. The other day, quite unawares, I imperfect reminiscences in a former number of came face to face with an album of my youth. It had belonged to a deceased relative of mine, "N. & Q." (3rd S. x. 221): — and had been a splendid volume once, but its glory was departed. It had a fossil look; its leaves were yellow. It contained effusions of my own... not to be gleaned from; but dipping into it in a half-abstraction, with a flitting of ghosts before my eyes, I lit upon two autograph and unpublished contributions by Charles and Mary Lamb.

Less as poems than as relics of that admirable pair I give them here, though Lamb's lines have a quaint turn of humour not uncommemorative of Elia. Mary Lamb's are simply domestic and affectionate, and characteristic on that account. Excellent Bridget Elia! She was Latinist and a great devourer of novels, and I a good am proud to avow that my first knowledge of Latin and first taste for fiction both came from her. The late Mr. Moxon was in the habit at that time of sending the Lambs huge parcels of modern novels destined for sale, and therefore not to be cut open, nor long detained; and these, for economy of time, my old friend and I read together (Bridget in her arm-chair, myself kneeling on the floor), tunneling the pages we were not allowed to cut, and falling into a wonderful identity of s.lection as to what we should read and what skip. This par parenthese. It was in those Enfield days to which, in connec

On being asked to write in Miss Westwood's Album,
My feeble Muse, that fain her best wou'd
Write at command of Frances Westwood,
But feels her wits not in their best mood,
Fell lately on some idle fancies,
As she's much given to romances,
About this self-same style of Frances;
Which seems to be a name in common
Attributed to man or woman.
She thence contrived this flattering moral,
With which she hopes no soul will quarrel,
That She whom this Twin Title decks,
Combines what's good in either Sex;
Unites-how very rare the case is! -
Masculine sense to Female graces;
And, quitting not her proper rank,
Is both in one-
Fanny and frank.

"CHARLES LAMB, 12th Oct. 1827."
"Small beauty to your Book my lines can lend,
Yet you shall have the best I can, sweet friend,
To serve for poor memorials 'gainst the day
That calls you from your l'arent-roof away,
From the mild offices of Filial life
To the more serious duties of a Wife
The World is opening to you - may you rest
With all your prospects realized, and blest!-
I, with the Elder Couple left behind,
On evenings chatting, oft shall call to mind
Those spirits of Youth, which Age so ill can miss,
And, wanting you, half grudge your S-n's bliss;
Till mirthful malice tempts us to exclaim
'Gainst the dear Thief, who robb'd you of your
Name.

"MARY LAMB.
"Enfield Chase, 17th May, 1828."

T. WESTWOOD.

From The Pall Mall Gazette. ORLEANISTS AND REPUBLICANS.

(FROM A PARISIAN.)

Ar first sight many will be inclined to think that the Princes of the House of Orleans were completely defeated on Saturday last in the Legislative Chamber. Their petition for the abrogation of the law which keeps them in exile was rejected by a large majority, thirty-one members only out of a house of more than 250 voting in their favour. Yet, if we look more closely into the matter, it will be seen that the seeming victors suffered in some respects more than the apparently vanquished. The Liberal Empire cannot afford to win many such disastrous battles.

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of the dethroned family cannot be reckoned upon to stand by the Empire in the hour of trial. Their defection, should an Orleanist pretender one day achieve even a temporary success, would be as certain as that of Ney or Labédoyère in a former generation. M. Daru figured in this section of abstainers, while M. Buffet took heart and voted with the Government. Yet not long ago most people would certainly have set down M. Buffet as the more Orleanist of the two. The dubious, the really uncertain in such a question as this need not be taken into consideration. Non ragionam di lor." Lastly, among the abstainers there were the hostile, the fanatics of the Republic, whether France wills it or not the men of the "Closed Left" (gauche Thirty-one a small band truly, and fermée), of whom M. Grévy constituted not even a trusty band or a faithful band, himself the spokesman. They would give as the stereotyped phrase runs; not a band no vote which might serve a dynastic interof followers nor even a band of friends; est of any kind, be it Orleanist or Imperialfor the number was made up by the mod-ist. The enemies of the Empire were not erate section of the Republican party"the open Left" (la gauche ouverte), as it calls itself. Run your eye down the short alphabetical list of those who voted against the order of the day. These are not Orleanist names: - Barthélemy St. Hilaire, Choiseul, Crémieux, Esquiros, Jules Favre, Guyot-Monpayroux, Pelletan, Picard, Jules Simon, Steenackers. But the votes of these men are far more threatening to the Empire than would have been those of real Orleanists. Their political meaning is, that if France will not have a Republic · - if she is still monarchical, in spite of revolutions, as plebiscita would seem to show she ought not to be limited in her choice; and that when the day for a new reign arrives that prince, be he a Bourbon or a Bonaparte, with whom Republicans (who cannot have a Republic) can strike the best bargain for liberty will have the best chance with them. It means that, while they submit to universal suffrage expressed by eight millions of plebiscitary votes, they consider Napoleon III. as merely the chief of an elective Empire who has no right, in a dynastic interest, to exclude future competitors for the throne. This is no fanciful interpretation of mine, and M. Jules Favre the other day spoke as plainly as I

have done.

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their foes, and they did not care to exclude them; the supposed enemies of the Republic, on the other hand, they did not care to admit; but even to keep these out they would not support the Government by a vote. They simply ignored all pretenders. Rochefort, by-the-by, in this, as in all similar occasions, is set down in the parliamentary lists among those who have abstained (n'ont pas pris part au vote). Surely, even if we admit the necessity of a euphemism, a prisoner might be allowed to figure on the list of Absent on leave."

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M. Thiers voted against the order of the day, but did not speak. At a quarter to seven, when the sitting broke up, bis silence was an ascertained fact; but up to that very last moment few people would believe in its possibility. He had expressed repeatedly, it is true, his disapproval of the petition, but still, not to say a word! not one single word for the sons and grandsons of his old master, that master whom, next to M. Guizot, he contributed most to dethrone!

To sum up, 173 voted for the order of the day which condemns anew the Orleans Princes to exile, giving a majority of 142 to the Government. One might have expected as much from a chamber composed of official candidates to whom great presThen there is the group of abstainers, sure was applied; and it is difficult to supabout fifty in all; some openly hostile, pose that the petitioners can really have some sentimentally scrupulous, some merely entertained much hope of absolute success. dubious, but all in their different ways Nevertheless, they were incontestably well threatening danger for Napoleon IV. The advised, in my opinion, to make the atmen who, in remembrance of past services tempt. The losses of Napoleon, politically and past favours, cannot make up their speaking, are their gains, and all who were minds to exclude from France the princes present at this memorable and dramatic sit

ting feel that the Empire has sustained a loss, although it may be difficult to prove the fact on paper.

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whether there existed any proof that since
1848 the Orleans Princes had been engaged
in any conspiracy. M. Ollivier replied
that the Government had for the present,
nothing to say; a declaration which suffi-
ciently exculpated the exiles. M. Estance-
in then pleaded eloquently and pathetically
the cause of his illustrious friends, and
obtained a complete success.
He con-
cluded by taunting the Minister of Justice
with his own well-known words: "We are
justice and we are force."
Take care,"

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At an early hour the tribunes were filled by an eager crowd, not by any means composed exclusively of friends of the Orleans family; but before the close of the sitting all were sympathizers. M. Estancelin's eloquent pleading for the exiles had touched many, M. Ollivier's ill-judged defence of proscription alienated others. We are a sentimental sort of people in our way-a theatrical people, if you will; an unpracti-he said, lest people should think that you cal people, apt to get drunk on undiluted dare not be just, because you do not feel principles, I grant you; but we are an im- yourselves strong." M. Estancelin propulsive people, open to all generous influ- claims himself an Orleanist, but M. Esquiences, enamoured of justice in the abstract, ros, the next speaker, is a stanch Republi though our national temperament often can. M. Esquiros is, or ought to be, well makes us in practice partial and unjust; known in England for his very able and this must be our set-off against many short-impartial descriptions of English manners, comings.

The emotion of the public was unmistakable, and on the morrow even those papers who had shown themselves lukewarm became ardent in their sympathy. It was an invidious office M. Ollivier had assumed, and one which he could scarcely discharge gracefully. It was but too easy to refute both him and his master with their own sayings. Who had painted the woes of banishment more feelingly than Prince Louis Napoleon? "You whom happiness has rendered selfish and who have never suffered the torments of exile, you perhaps deem it a slight penalty to deprive a man of his country. Believe me, exile is a continuous martyrdom. It is death. . . . a consuming, slow, and hideous death, wearing men gradually out and leading them noiselessly and without apparent effort to a lonely grave. To an exile, the very air he breathes is stifling, and he lives only on the faint breezes which come from the distant shores of his native land." M. Ollivier again, the son of a man who had been imprisoned and proscribed after the coup d'état, had showed in no less touching language, in the book which related the sufferings of his old father, that if he ever possessed power he would take care that no son should suffer through him the pangs

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entitled "L'Angleterre et la Vie Anglaise." His speech was short and pithy. Laws of proscription, he said, fostered effete pretensions, and exile encouraged pretenders. He based his opposition on the laws of humanity. As one who had been himself an exile, I will vote against exile; as one who was proscribed on the 2nd of Decem ber, I will vote against proscription."

66

M. Ollivier had but one argument - State policy; and one line of defence that all preceding Governments had done the same. All had proscribed possible pretenders. He might have added that the Second Republic formed an exception, and that by admitting one it had brought about its own destruction. He reminded his hearers that the law which they were asked to repeal was a law of 1818, a law of the Republic; and that in 1832, under the Orleans dynasty, a law had likewise been voted which banished both the elder branch of the Bourbons and the Bonapartes. The report was presented on that occasion by a man proverbially wise and prudent, the late Dake de Broglie. He should have stopped there, but his love of his own eloquence got the better of him, and he went on to quote Dante (who ought certainly not to have been brought in to uphold laws of exile) and the Satire Menippée " to prove that France, in voting the plebiscitum, had M. Dréolle began by reading his report. given Napoleon III. a special mandate to It was couched in moderate and decorous preserve order. There seems to be a spell terms, and concluded by proposing, in the on M..Ollivier which obliges him to drag name of the commission appointed to ex- in the plebiscitum whenever he opens his amine the petition, the order of the day, mouth. The other day he spoke of it as a pure and simple. Objection was taken to political Sadowa, and now he makes it syna single expression sterile obstinacy" onymous with proscription. On the whole, and that was afterwards explained away. the speech was a clumsy one, and has diThen M. de Kératry adjured the Minister minished yet a little more M. Ollivier's repto declare before the discussion began lutation as a statesman and as an orator.

that he himself had endured.

But the speech of the day was M. Jules which he has betrayed throughout his caFavre's. The words he spoke have sunk reer, which made him fancy that England keep in many minds, and at no price should would alter her laws to protect his turone the Government have called them forth. from plots, that the North would give up The Government," he said, "is defend- her struggle with the South, that Mexicans ing a purely dynastic interest. If would rise for an Austrian Archduke, that France is monarchical she may have her Tuscany would accept a Bonaparte for a preferences; and by what right would you sovereign, that Italy would give up Rome, hinder her from manifesting them? Does that the ignorant gentlemen" of Austria monarchical France seek the legitimacy of would beat the mere professors" of Berpower in the divine right of kings? Dolin, had evidently imagined that the "conyou not found your own claims on her con-quered" States of Germany would welcome sent? What she has done she may undo. an invasion that might relieve them of their There is but a rivalry of Houses in this de- chains. Exiles embittered by undeserved sire to maintain proscription as a defence misfortunes told him so; envoys accustomed against possible competitors." There was to live among the limited class which, partly terrible logic in this, and the plebiscitary from tradition, partly from cosmopolitan Empire seemed to totter as he spoke. He training, hates the stern régime of the IIoadmitted that laws of pro cription had been henzollerns, repeated the same tale; the Ulvoted in 1848; but, he added, "when I tramontanes, savage at the rise of a Protestnow cast my eye over the list of those who ant power, endorse the envoys' despatches; voted against them, I would be glad to find and finally, the secret agents, mixing only my name among theirs." If I add that M. with men who are to Germans what Fenians Grévy, speaking in the name of those im- are to Englishmen, struck the impression placable Republicans who would exclude all home. The war must be directed against pretenders and proscribe Royalty in all its Prussia alone, and then Hanover would rise;' branches, declared that the Orleans Princes Saxony would rebel; Schleswig-Holstein had taken advantage of the "decline of the would demand its Prince; Wurtemburg Empire" to ask to return, you will see that would declare war on Prussia; Bavaria I was not wrong in saying that the con- would accept Austrian advice; Germany queror received many wounds. would melt down like a waterspout under the concussion of the cannon. War was declared, war intended to crush down the German oppressor, and all Germany at the oppressor's summons rushed together as if the Hohenzollern already wore the Imperial crown. Particularist and Ultramontane, noble and burgher, the classes which love the past and the traders who dread military conscription, all laid aside their grievances to defend the united Fatherland. Bavaria declared war on France. Saxony demanded "energetic action" against the French, and formally claimed her place in the vanguard of the battle. Hanover proclaimed in great meetings her devotion to the Federation. Bremen rose in insurrection against a merchant who criticized Prussian "arrogance." Hainburg sent volunteers, and doubled the money asked. The Universities on the Rhine were deserted, all students hastening to the ranks. The Opposition, so jealous of the purse, so hostile to the new military system, voted £25,000,000 to bring that system to perfection. The wildest fanatics of liberty, with Karl Blind at their head, GERMANY has rushed together with a called on the Soldier-King to defend Gerclang. That is the first, and for France the many with the sword. The very emigrants worst, result of the declaration of war. flying from conscription, and safely arrived The Emperor Napoleon, with that strange in New York, returned to bear in the incapacity to comprehend popular feeling slavery" they hated their share in the

I must bring this long letter to a close with one last remark, leaving much unsaid. The Orleans Princes and their friends have declared that they harboured no political designs, and that their only wish was to be authorized to live and die in their native land. We are bound to believe them, although it is often difficult to read one's own heart, and the Comte de Paris may well be mistaken as to the nature of the feelings with which he would look at the Tuileries were he ever permitted to return. In his expressed wish he has been disappointed for the present; but, whether he desires it or not, in that memorable sitting of Saturday, in which his banishment was confirmed, he was by his adversaries of all shades proclaimed a candidate for the throne of France. Might it not have been safer to admit him as a citizen?

From The Spectator.
THE WAR.

66

in arms.

common duty of defending Germany from tile soil. That an invasion would raise to subjugation. From Posen to Italy, from its height the ardour of France is true, that Silesia to Cologne, the German people rose As these words reach our readers, the mobilization will be complete, and the great Teutonic people, double the number of those who won the terrible American war, stubborn as the Yankees and as educated, organized like Frenchmen, full of knowledge and burning with zeal, with a mi lion of trained soldiers as their advanceguard, are pouring down on France, to settle once for all whether Teuton or Latin is to be leader of the world. Let our readers think but for five minutes of the power which that race can exert, of its numbers and its history, of its weapons and its education, of its Carnot Von Moltke, and its geographical position, and judge whether Napoleon will in six weeks be at Berlin. That the Emperor of the French wields a terrible weapon is true, for he leads France; and France is as great as Germany, and as homogeneous, as full of soldiers, as ardent, as well prepared, and far more likely to develop leaders of the true destructive-warrior type. No race has ever existed in Europe, not even the Roman, who could pretend to meet the Gaul in battle without a doubt of the result; nor is there one, except the English, which has not time and again been forced to sue to France for peace. There may be, as some observers think, disquiet among the peasantry; but Frenchmen, once at war, know only the glory of France; and the Army, which is France, is as enthusiastic as if it were, as it half believes itself to be, a Providence to itself. But even France, with all her genius for war, her courage, and her patriotism, even the Army which won Magenta, may be evertaxed; and unless we misread all modern history, this march to Berlin will overtax her. It is not an army, but an armed nation, which is in the road.

Besides, why do we assume that the march must be towards Berlin, and the Germans the defendants? Why should it not be towards Paris, the French being the defendants? It is a curious proof of the ascendency which French genius and daring exercise over all minds that the supposition should seem monstrous; but Prussia is as close to France as France to Prussia, she has easier modes of ingress, not having to cross the Rhine, and she is led by men whose first if not greatest characteristic is military audacity, who crossed the Carpathians to seck an army which all Europe expected would destroy them, and who have announced publicly a fixed belief that war, to be short, should be fought upon the hos

it would summon all France into the field cannot be doubted; but ardour, whatever its height can but make men disregard death, which Frenchmen do even when not excited, and the French Army, under its present organization, is France in the field. That such a march should succeed may, nay does, appear incredible; but it may succeed as well as a halt, may produce, that is, a drawn battle, and at the cost of far less suffering to States which it will be the policy of Prussia to exempt as far as may be from the horrors of war. Wurtemburg will be most German while Germans are marchon France. It is argued that Prussia is not so prepared as France, and that seems true; but the immense magnitude of the contest, involving as it does more men than Napoleon gathered from half Europe upon the Niemen, has compelled the Emperor to delay his spring until Prussia is just so far prepared that advance might make the remaining preparation easier. During the Austrian war the second line was formed behind the invading army. By to-morrow Prussia should be as ready as she was in 1866, and though the French, with their splendid energy and speed, may anticipate her débouche, and fight the first grand battle on Prussian soil, this, we feel sure, will be the leading idea of the campaign. If that battle, be it fought on the hither or thither side of Saarbrück, be won by Prussia, she will flow into France; if by France, Prussia will fall back, fighting step by step, until her chance opens to her once more. To predict the result of such an engagement would be folly, but the great French soldiers who have studied Germany know well how nearly equal the resources and the courage and the enthusiasm of the two arinies are, and they at least do not, as most of our contemporaries do, forget Leipsic to remember only Jena, or conceal from themselves that France, with all her brilliant staff, has not yet discovered the equal of the great Italian who at Jena, at the head of her troops, struck Prussia down. That sense of equality, existing on both sides, manifested in the Emperor's long preparations as in King William's address to his Parliament, in the French exultation in the mitrailleuse as in the Prussian pledges to fight to the last, will of itself make the first great battle unspeakably important, for it will tend to make the Generals on both sides dread a numerical inferiority, not only for the effect it may exercise on their own strategy, but the effect it is certain to produce on the imaginations of their men.

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