Biography phenomenon, and to inquire philosophically into its proximate cause. From A. D. 79. to 81. * This celebrated person had scarcely set sail, when every thing assumed a most appalling aspect. The earth shook with great violence, and the mountains trembled to their very tops. A noise like thunder was heard underground; the rocks along the shore reechoed a strange and indescribable sound, which seemed to proceed from the very bowels of the earth; the soil was hot and almost burning; the sea boiled, and the whole firmament appeared on fire. At length the flames burst forth from the torn volcano, when a mass of stones and lava was thrown into the air, which in their descent covered the sides of the mountain as well as the surrounding plain. This eruption was succeeded by a cloud of smoke so dense and murky, that the sun was no longer visible, and the face of day was changed into a night of horror. The inhabitants fled from their tottering houses, and sought for safety in the fields; while others were seeking refuge from the solitary desolation of the country in the crowds which covered the highways near the towns. Those who were at sea were impelled by terror to turn their ships towards land; where they were met by thousands equally alarmed, seeking means to intrust their life and fortunes to the waves. Meanwhile the cloud of smoke and dust carried dismay to the walls of the capital. The darkness which sunk down upon the city terrified the inhabitants of Rome to such a degree, that many of them threw themselves, with their families, into ships bound for Africa and Egypt; imagining, that Italy was about to atone for its sins by enduring the uttermost wrath of the Gods. But the immediate neighbourhood of Vesuvius presented a scene of still greater destruction and alarm. At Mysænum, a distance of nearly twenty miles, the ashes fell in such quantities, that the younger Pliny, who was obliged to sit down in the fields with his mother, to avoid the risk of being crushed in pieces by the throng of fugitives who fled in the dark, relates, that had they not used the precaution of constantly shaking the dust off their persons, they would have been smothered in a very short time. The elder Pliny, having reached Stabiæ, passed the night in the house of a friend. While the Philosopher was asleep, the court which surrounded the dwelling was filled with large stones and ashes to such a depth, that it was not without considerable difficulty that any individual of the party made his escape; and in order to guard against the stones which were falling in great quantities everywhere around them, they covered their bodies with cushions and carpets. The sun was now risen, but his beams could not penetrate the thick cloud which brooded over Stabiæ. Torches were therefore used in order to find a passage towards the beach; it having been determined to put to sea, as the only means of safety, provided the waves were sufficiently allayed to render such a retreat practicable. But the ocean was at that eventful moment more agitated than ever. Pliny threw himself on the ground wrapped in a cloak or blanket, and drank some cold water, which had been seasonably procured for him. Another discharge from the mountain, however, * Plin. Epist. lib. vi. ep. 16, 20. Flavius Vespasia nus. From made all their cares prove fruitless. Every one yielded Titus to the impulse of self-preservation and fled, except two slaves, who seemed willing to hazard their lives with the view of saving that of the great naturalist. Pliny made an effort to rise, supported by his faithful attendants; but he almost instantly dropped down again, A. D. suffocated, it was supposed, by the increasing heat of 79. the sulphureous atmosphere, and by the cloud of dust to which impregnated the air. Two days elapsed before 81. his friends had recovered sufficiently from their terror Death of to search for his body and give it burial; a duty which was then performed with all the respect due to so great a character, and with those feelings of regret and sorrow which never fail to attend the obsequies of public men who have fallen victims to the love of knowledge or to the exertions of patriotism. * the elder Plinius Pompeii His nephew has described in very moving language Destruction the horrors and anxiety of the dreadful night which of Her succeeded his departure from Mysænum. It belongs laneum and not to us, however, to follow up the details of this calamity at greater length. Suffice it to remind the reader, that it was on this occasion the cities of Herculaneum and Pompeii were buried under that mass of ashes which has concealed them from the light of day for more than seventeen hundred years. The miserable events described above were followed Pestilence by a pestilence at Rome; of which it is said that not at Rome fewer than ten thousand people died daily, during a considerable period. This malady is ascribed by historians to the pollution which is supposed to have affected the air, in consequence of the volcanic eruptions of Vesuvius; but it is more probable that it originated in the poverty and filth occasioned by the sudden increase made to the population of the Capital, when the fugitives from the ruined towns and villages of Campania sought an asylum within its walls. Such misfortunes wounded deeply the compassionate Titus reheart of Titus. He felt, says Suetonius, not only like pairs to a Prince but as a father, for the sufferings of his peo- Campan ple; and spared neither labour nor expense to relieve their distress. He set apart proper funds to repair the losses sustained by the people of Campania; intrusting the disbursement of them to two men of Consular rank, whose characters afforded an ample security for the wisdom and humanity of their administration. To accelerate his benevolent views, he proceeded thither in person the following year; using his utmost endeavours to console the afflicted, and to sow again the seeds of wealth and security in that beautiful division of his Empire. Before he could return to Rome, that city was again Fire at visited with a frightful calamity. A fire broke out Rome. which raged three days and nights with the greatest violence, destroying an immense number of buildings, both public and private. Among the former were the Pantheon, the Octavian Library, and the Capitol, which last had been but recently restored, after the demolition which it had sustained at the hands of the infuriated Germans during the reign of Vitellius. No sooner had this afflicting event reached the ears of the Emperor, than he made known his determination to indemnify out of his own coffers all the losses which had accrued either to the State or to individuals. His country-houses were forthwith denuded of their *Plin. Epist. lib. xvi. ep. 20. Suet. Tit. c. 8. Dion Cassius, lib. lxvi. From A. D. 79. to 81. Generosity and selfdenial of Biography. richest ornaments, to embellish anew the temples of the Gods and other public edifices throughout the city; while, in regard to the claims of private sufferers, he appointed certain Roman Knights to regulate the amount of compensation due in every particular case, and to superintend the rebuilding of the streets which had been destroyed by the accident. So unwilling was he that any one besides himself should have a share in the honour of retrieving the fortunes of Rome, that he the Empe- is said to have refused the contributions which were offered by some of his royal allies, by other cities of the Empire, and by certain of the richest among the Nobility. Titus was a stranger to every kind of avarice; and the rigid economy which he pursued in his personal enjoyments enabled him to command at all times sufficient means, not only to meet the demands of the public service, but also to contribute to the embellishment of his Capital, and the gratification of his subjects. ror. Such was now the constitution of Roman society, that attention to the amusement of the lower class of citizens, in the time of peace, had become no less essential to the tranquillity of the Empire than military talents during the pressure of war. With this view Finishes the Titus proceeded to finish the Amphitheatre of which Amphihis father had laid the foundation; adding to it Baths theatre and and other comforts for the gratification of the popucelebrated Games. lace. Upon the dedication of this superb edifice he gave a course of Games, not inferior in magnificence to the most splendid spectacles yielded to a discontented mob by the vanity of Claudius, or the profusion of Nero. The sports lasted a hundred days, during which invention was racked to discover new modes of pleasing the eye and of stimulating the passions of the depraved multitude. Five thousand wild beasts were killed on the arena, in the space of one day. Mimic fleets and armies represented the combats on sea and shore by which the glory of Rome had been obtained, when her citizens were yet uncorrupted through Eastern pomp and Imperial donations. Lions and Elephants were compelled to minister to the entertainment of the masters of the world; and even the Flavius Vespasia nus. slender Crane was taught to engage in battle, and to Titus tear the flesh of its opponent. But such particulars are unworthy of historical diligence; and the recital of them can only be justified as serving to illustrate the first steps in that progressive and melancholy decline which at length subjected the power of the Cæsars to the arms of barbarian conquerors. The Poet Martial has celebrated the judicious selfdenial of Titus, who relinquished for the site of his Amphitheatre and Baths a part of the Imperial gardens enclosed by Nero: Reddita Roma sibi est; et sunt, te præside Cæsar, From A. D. 79. to 81. It was observed, that on the last day of the Games Illness and the Emperor appeared greatly dejected, and even shed death. tears. Hoping that his nerves would be strengthened by the purer air of the country, he retired to the neighbourhood of Rietum, whence his family originally sprung; whither, alas, it should seem, he was accompanied by his brother Domitianus. A fever with which he was seized was unduly checked by the use of the bath to which he had become much addicted; and it is added by Suetonius, that the symptoms of the disease were greatly aggravated by adopting a suggestion of Domitianus, that the patient should be put into a tub filled with snow. Titus died on the thirteenth day of September, in the same house wherein his father expired, after a pacific and prosperous reign of two years and nearly three months. * The character of this Prince has been given in the history of his actions; and his name, even at the present day, conveys to the reader all those ideas of justice, clemency, wisdom, and benevolence which enter into the conception of a good sovereign. His virtues were the object of universal love and esteem; and they were prized still more highly after his death, when contrasted with the violent and ungovernable temper of the individual who succeeded him on the throne. *Suet. Tit. c. 10. Dion Cassius, lib. lxvi. Plut. de Janitate, 4 Б TITUS FLAVIUS DOMITIANU S. FROM A. D. 81 TO 96. Biography. From A. D. 81. to 96. Domitianus: DOMITIANUS hurried from the lifeless body of his brother to secure at Rome the title and congratulations of Imperial power. The loss of Titus and the painful anticipations connected with the new reign occupied all the thoughts of the Senate and People; and hardly were there found within the walls of the city a sufficient number of unconcerned spectators to salute the son of Vespasianus on his accession to the throne.* Character of It would have been difficult even for a good Prince to transfer to himself all at once the affections which had been so deeply rooted in the public mind for the person of his immediate predecessor. But Domitianus, it has been observed, seemed only to strive by his vices to strike into every heart a more poignant regret for the misfortune which Rome had sustained in the death of his brother, and to render, by the same means, his own Government both contemptible and odious. We find, accordingly, that the praises bestowed by Historians upon Titus are everywhere contrasted with the execrations which were poured upon the character and administration of his successor; for, if we except the friendly pen of Josephus, there is no writer of those times who does not, by his reproaches, labour to confirm the bad opinion which was entertained of him, as well in Italy as in the remotest Provinces. able. Gloomy Dion assures us that his temper was gloomy and and unsoci- unsocial, incapable of the ordinary sentiments of love and attachment. Under his father's rule, he had crouched with the feelings of a slave; and at a later period he repaid the confidence of his brother by hatred and suspicion. His fears rendered him cruel, and his prodigality made him avaricious; and, under the influence of these odious passions, he sacrificed to a great extent the lives and property of the Roman People. Artifice and dissimulation were in him joined to the other vices which constitute a tyrant; for while he was more blood-thirsty and rapacious than Nero, he never showed any symptoms of that generosity, frankness, and love of the arts, which sometimes appeared in contrast with the barbarities and extravagance which have condemned the latter to never-ending infamy.† Early life of Suetonius reminds the reader that Domitianus was Domitianus. born at Rome when Vespasianus his father was about to enter upon his first Consulate; that his early youth was spent in a manner which could give no promise of future eminence or respectability; that he took up arms during the insurrection which terminated the reign of Vitellius; and that when the Capital was set on fire he made his escape, disguised in the dress of a Priest, and took refuge in a mean dwelling beyond the Tiber. When the Flavian family was invested with the purple, Domitianus, who was the only member of the Imperial House actually present in Rome, assumed the exercise Suet. Domit. c. 2. Dion Cassius, lib. lxvi. Tacit. Agricol. c. 45. Suet. Domit. c. 2. Dion Cassius, lib. lxvii. apud Vales. 96. The ambition of this Prince, stimulated by the fame of his brother, was occasionally inflamed with the desire His thirst of military glory. We have already mentioned his for military resolution to accompany to the banks of the Rhine the glory. General who commanded the legions against the insurgents in the German provinces; and Suetonius informs us that when Vologesus, the King of Parthia, solicited from the Romans an auxiliary force to join him in prosecuting a war with which he was threatened by a tribe of Scythians, and requested that one of the Emperor's sons might be placed at their head, Domitianus used all the arts of intrigue and bribery, in order to obtain the honour of conducting the victorious cohorts of Syria into the remoter East. We need scarcely add that the petition of Vologesus was rejected, and that the youthful hope of the Empire was constrained to remain at home to renew his acquaintance with the Muses, and to seek the rewards of eloquence. coming the thro Soon after he succeeded to the government he in- His retired dulged in that love of solitude, which pride and fear habits ap combined to render in a very short time the most confirmed of all his habits. In the beginning of his reign, says his Biographer, he accustomed himself to spend several hours every day in the strictest privacy; employed frequently in nothing else than in catching flies, and piercing them with a sharp instrument. This practice, so unworthy of him who was charged with the prosperity and fame of the greater part of the civilized world, gave rise to the well-known remark which was made to Vibius Crispus, when he asked if there were any one with the Emperor. It was replied, No, not even a fly.† This inglorious tranquillity was at that time only His fic varied by occasional fits of activity, which were still pess and more prejudicial to his reputation. He had seduced inconstancy Domitia, the wife of Ælius Lamia, and, upon the birth of a daughter, he publicly declared his mistress the consort of his throne. But hardly had he elevated her to the splendid station of Augusta, than his jealousy was alarmed by certain familiarities to which she admitted the pantomime Paris, and he immediately drove her from his bed and palace. The ascendancy which Domitia had acquired over him was, however, much too strong to be thus suddenly dissolved; her society was become indispensable to the enjoyment of his domestic hours; on which account, says Suetonius, he invited her to return, on pretence that the people were dissatisfied Biography. with the divorce. From A. D. 81. to 96. The same author remarks, that in matters of State policy he was equally unsteady, mixing severity with occasional gentleness, and parsimony with the greatest profusion: till, at length, his very virtues assumed the appearance and had all the effects of vice, in private as well as in public life.* * It is not our intention to follow minutely the disgusting details of imbecility and crime which compose the annals of the reign of Domitianus. Unfortunately for the peace and dignity of Rome, the history of her affairs from the days of Augustus is almost entirely identified with the personal character of her rulers; but notwithstanding this fact, we question the expediency of filling our pages with a repetition of the cruel deeds and paltry amusements which year after year employed all the cares of the younger son of Vespasianus. The Picture of picture drawn by Tacitus, in his Life of Agricola, exhis reign by hibits in a few strong lines the impression of fear and distrust which was stamped upon the minds of the Roman people. Wisdom, in those evil days, was compelled to put on the appearance of sloth and inaction. The powers of intellect and taste were blighted by the suspicions of tyranny. The freedom of conversation was denied; and we should have lost, says the Historian, the power of memory, if forgetfulness had been as much a voluntary act as abstinence from speech. Fifteen years, a large portion of human life, passed away, during which every liberal art was discouraged, and every man of genius and spirit either cut off by a violent death, or driven into obscurity.† Tacitus. Dion Cassius has furnished us with a striking anecdote of the refined extravagance which sometimes mingled itself with the cruelty of this Prince. On one occasion he invited to an entertainment at the palace the principal members of the Senate and of the Equestrian Order. Upon their arrival they were shown into a large room hung with black cloth from the ceiling to the floor, and furnished with couches and other ornaments, all painted in the same colour. When they took their seats at table each man found before him a small monumental pillar, resembling those which the Romans were accustomed to place on their tombs. Every guest read his own name inscribed on this sepulchral decoration by means of the pale light of a lamp, such as those which were kept burning in the vaults wherein they deposited their dead. No private servant was permitted to attend his master; while, to supply this want, a troop of little boys appeared arrayed in sable garments, with their faces blacked, and taught to imitate the motions and cries of Demons. The meat served up displayed the same character. It was that which was usually offered in funeral ceremonies to the ghosts of the departed. The dishes and plate used at table were of the deepest black; and silence as profound as that of the grave reigned throughout the assembly. Domitianus alone opened his mouth; aggravating the fears of his company by telling them tragical stories of bloody deaths, and of massacres perpetrated by treacherous hosts. Every one present concluded that his last hour was come. When he had sufficiently terrified his guests, and gratified his own bad taste, he sent them home with rich gifts, as a reward for the mental sufferings which they had endured. Nevertheless, in his personal administrations in the Suet. Domit. ubi suprà. + Tacit. in Vita Agricol. c. 2, 3.; Dion Cassius, lib. lxvii. apud Vales. Titus Flavius Domitianus. From A. D. 81. to 96. and refor capacity of judge, Domitianus is said to have set an example of great integrity; recommending uprightness to all the inferior officers, and punishing severely any one who dared to receive a bribe. On some occasions he subjected to his own immediate review Causes which had been inaccurately determined; and annulled by his supreme authority no small number of decrees, in which favour or mercenary motives had prevailed over the claims of justice. His various attempts for the reformation of Adminismanners have likewise been mentioned with approba- tration tion. He enacted several laws against women of dis- of justice, solute morals; discouraged public accusers; and mation of imposed the weight of a very severe penalty upon all morals. who should be found guilty of personal libels and defamation. He moreover relieved from prosecution all who were indebted to the Treasury a longer period than five years. He followed the example of Titus in confirming without petition the grants of all former Emperors; and in order to remove from the officers under his command all temptation to rapacity, he made a liberal addition to their yearly salaries. For the same reason, as well as to increase their attachment to his person, he raised the pay of the soldiers. He lavished large sums on the Pantheon and Capitol, the ornaments of which were not completed in the former reign; and showed an equal zeal for the restoration of other public edifices which had been reduced to ruin by the late destructive fire. But these early claims to the gratitude of his country were cancelled by the cruel tyranny which marked his maturer age.* * A. D. 84. His desire for military distinction impelled him, in His expedithe third year of his reign, to undertake an expedition tion against against the Catti, a German people, whom Tacitust the Catti. represents as possessing the arts of peace and the knowledge of war in a higher degree than any of the neighbouring tribes. This act of hostility on the part of the Roman Emperor does not appear to have been provoked by any ambitious or threatening movements on his frontiers; and not expecting to be attacked, they were not prepared with the means of defence. If we are to believe Frontinus, who has handed down the only particular account of this enterprise that has reached our times, we must bestow upon the Imperial leader all the praises which are due to wisdom in councils and vigour in the field. Pretending to have no other object in view besides taking a census of the Gauls, he pushed on his legions to the Rhine before his real intentions were discovered. But Frontinus wrote his work on Military Stratagems He obtains while Domitianus was yet on the throne, and for that a triumph. reason found it, perhaps, more convenient to flatter than to give a strict narrative of facts. Other authors have asserted, that the Roman Eagles were not seen on this occasion by any enemy whatever, but that the valour of the troops was employed under the eye of their master in plundering the territory of their allies, and in wasting the goods of a friendly tribe. The extermination of the Cherusci, a neighbouring tribe in alliance with Rome, which was soon afterwards effected by the Catti, is a distinct proof that the boasted victories of Domitianus had neither broken their spirit, nor effectually diminished their power. This exploit, however, was neither doubtful nor unimportant in the estimation Suet. Domit. c. 8. Dion Cassius, lib. lxvii. + Tacit. de Mor. German. c. 30. Frontin. de Strat. lib. i. c. 1. Tacit. Agricol. c. 39. Stat. Sil. lib. i. c. 5. Dion Cassius, lib. Ixvii. From A. D. 81. to 96. Biography. of Domitianus himself. Upon his return to Rome he looked to the Senate for the usual expressions of admiration and gratitude conferred on all Commanders whose fortune it had been to extend the boundaries of the State, and to subdue the power of their enemies. The title of Germanicus was forthwith either given or confirmed to the conqueror; for it is uncertain whether he had not already assumed that distinction for his march to Lyons during the war with Civilis. A Triumph was likewise decreed, and to supply the want of captives, whom he had neglected to bring from among the vanquished Catti, a sufficient number of slaves was purchased in the neighbouring countries, and dressed in the habits of German warriors, in order to complete the pageant. Medals were struck to perpetuate the memory of an event so brilliant and important; and from this epoch the Emperor never appeared in the Senate-house without being arrayed in his robe of Triumph.* Domitianus institutes Games. A. D. 86. Dacian war A. D. 87. Decebalus Domitianus distinguished the fifth year of his government by the institution of Games similar to those which accompanied the periodical return of the Grecian Olympiads. Being designed in honour of Jupiter Capitolinus, they took their name from this civic attribute of the father of Gods and of men; and were, like the more celebrated Festival just mentioned, to be repeated every fourth year. They consisted, according to Suetonius, of several kinds of athletic exercises and contests, calculated to invigorate the powers of the mind as well as of the body. Women and even girls appeared on the arena to compete for prizes. The magnificence of Rome was exhausted on the splendour of the scene. The Emperor presided in person to stimulate and reward the ability of the performers; and the Priests of Jupiter vouchsafed their presence, in order to give the solemnity of a religious service to the amusements of the Prince. It is, perhaps, worthy of remark, that the last celebration of the Capitoline Games took place in the year 238, and that they appear to have been finally abolished soon after the conversion of the first Christian Emperor.† The tranquillity of Rome was disturbed in the sixth year of Domitianus by intelligence that the Chiefs of Dacia had risen in arms, attacked several garrisons, and even defeated some large bodies of legionary troops. Tacitus, in his Life of Agricola, makes an allusion to the Dacian war, when he reminds his reader of the armies which perished in that country and in Masia, owing to the cowardice or incapacity of the commanders; adding, that the Empire was in danger not only of losing both sides of the Danube, but even whole Provinces on its southern shore, and the stationary camps of the legions along its banks. Agricola had just returned from his successful campaigns in Britain; and every one wished to see that renowned General placed at the head of the troops which were destined to recover the honour of Rome, and to repel the inroad of barbarians, now become formidable by their skill in arms, and the talents of their King. The right of sovereignty, we are told, belonged at raised to that period to Dura, the lineal descendant of the Dacian the throne, Princes. But feeling himself unequal to the duties of and prehis high station, he resigned the crown to Decebalus, pares for war with the Romans. Suet. Domit. c. 6. Dion Cassius, lib. lxvii. Tacit. Agricol. c. 39. + Tillemont, Histoire des Empéreurs, vol. ii. Domitian s From A. D. 81. to 96. a Chief of great enterprise, courage, and patriotism. Titus The commencement of the war was signalized by a Flavius rapid movement into Masia, where the Dacians, encountering the legions under Oppius Sabinus, gained a complete victory, and slew the Roman General. The news of this defeat roused Domitianus, who immediately left his Capital, and proceeded towards the Danube at the head of a powerful army. Decebalus, meantime, willing to secure the advantages which had attended his first operations in the field, made proposals to the Emperor to terminate hostilities; but finding soon afterwards that the command of the fresh legions was intrusted to Cornelius Fuscus,* a hotheaded ignorant soldier, without either experience or caution, he added to the terms of the projected peace the insulting condition, that every Roman in the camp should pay, in the name of tribute or as the price of safety, two pieces of money to the victorious Dacians. Fuscus, in order to avenge the disgrace which was Fuscus is thus offered to the majesty of Rome, crossed the Da- defeated nube in search of the barbarian army. A bloody and stain engagement ensued, in which the troops of Domitianus were again routed with great slaughter. Their General was killed, their arms and baggage fell into the power of the enemy, an Eagle was taken, and a great number of legionary soldiers was carried into captivity. These trophies, so galling to the pride of the Romans, were afterwards recovered during the more successful invasion of Dacia by the Emperor Trajan.† After this disaster Julianus, an officer of tried abi- Victory of lity, was invested with the principal command; with Julianus, better fortune than Sabinus or Fuscus, he gave battle to Decebalus, and completely defeated him. Dacia now appeared at the mercy of the conqueror. It was only by a stratagem that even the Capital was saved from falling into his hands; while the King, finding himself sorely pressed, and despairing of being able to cope with the overwhelming power of Rome, proceeded to make a sincere and humble overture for peace. Instead of the haughty style which he had formerly employed, when opposed to the ignorant impetuosity of Fuscus, he now solicited a cessation of arms, professing his readiness to make to the Emperor any concession that was just and reasonable. But Domitianus knew not how to avail himself of this favourable turn of events; and instead of terminating his quarrel with the Dacian insurgents, he resolved to march against two other German nations, the Quadi and Marcomanni, who had refused to supply their contingent of recruits during the late campaign.‡ After a fruitless attempt to appease his wrath, the Peace th Germans proposed to meet the Emperor in arms, and Decebalus to dispute his progress into their country. But his imbecility did more for them than their own bravery and patriotism; for, after having murdered their ambassadors and rejected every offer of submission, he exposed his army to their attacks with so little skill, that he soon found himself compelled to relinquish the expedition in disgrace and confusion. His losses induced him to lend a ready ear to the propositions of Decebalus, and even to purchase peace, and the liberty of withdrawing unmolested the remains of his discomfitted cohorts, at the expense of a considerable ransom. *Tacit. lib. ii. c. 86. Suet. Domit. c. 6. + Dion Cassius, lib. lxviii. Ibid. lib. Ixvii. |