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HISTORY.

:

History.

From

B. C.

3.

to

A. D.

70.

blic

inion on

CHAPTER XXVI.

OF THE JEW S.

FROM THE DEATH OF HEROD THE GREAT TO THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.

FROM B. C. 3 TO A. D. 70.

From B. C.

3.

to

A. D.

70. Archelaus visits Rome

After the Passover Archelaus proceeded to Rome, Of theJews. attended by Herod Antipas and the chief members of his family. From motives either of fear or of jealousy the family of Herod used every exertion to defeat the pretensions of Archelaus, and to procure a grant of the Kingdom in favour of Antipas. The whole nation of the Jews appear at this time to have been weary of a despotic government; for whilst Archelaus was at Rome, an embassy arrived there from Judæa, to solicit from Augustus the reduction of the Kingdom to the form of a Roman Province; a measure which would have been very gratifying to a body of eight thousand Jews then resident at Rome, and to none more than to all the members of Herod's family, whose desire for the advancement of Antipas arose solely out of dislike to Archelaus. The Jews accused Archelaus of assuming the Royal authority without the sanction of Augustus, and urged against him his cruel and unjustifiable attack upon the people at the Passover. Augustus heard the charges, which were answered on the part of Archelaus by Nicolaus Damascenus;† (an orator whose services in the affairs of Herod the Great have been before mentioned ;) and shortly afterwards confirmed the appointments of Herod's Will, by committing the Government of Judæa to Archelaus, with the inferior title of Eth- Appointed narch. That of King was promised as a future reward, Ethnarch if he should prove himself worthy a higher distinction.

THE death of Herod the Great left Judæa virtually without a Governor, the Will of the late King requiring to be confirmed by Augustus, before Archelaus could inherit the Crown bequeathed to him by his father. The Army and the Court readily admitted the title of Archelaus to the Throne, and the people at large were willing to purchase promises of future favours by demonstrations of present loyalty; for a few days nothing therefore was perceived but expressions of joy. The weak hold upon the Government death which Archelaus possessed, presented a favourable Herod, opportunity to the friends of Judas and Matthias, and of those whom Herod had put to death for throwing down the Golden Eagle, to demand from him the revenge of this innocent blood. The fate of Judas and Matthias was purposely made the subject of public lamentation by their friends, who assembled in the Temple at the time of the Passover, and there bewailed the death of their leaders and the cruelty of Herod. Archelaus, well aware of the necessity of hastening speedily to Rome, was unwilling at first to attempt to repress by force the manifestation of these feelings; but the increasing boldness of the party determined ssacre him to adopt decided measures. A Centurion was commanded to arrest the ringleaders in the Temple, the multitude protected them against the soldiers; upon which Archelaus with his whole army surrounded the Temple, and attacked the assembled people, three thousand of whom were put to death. A general dismay pervaded the city, and a proclamation for every one to depart from Jerusalem and to break up the Feast was immediately obeyed. After such a proof of the severity of Archelaus, we cannot wonder at the narration of St. Matthew,† respecting the fears entertained by Joseph on his return from Egypt, "who, when he heard that Archelaus reigned in Judæa in the room of his father Herod was afraid to go thither."

the

mple.

* Josephus, Bell, Jud. ii. 1. Antiq. xvii. 8. + Ch. ii. 22.

of Judæa.

The dominions allotted to Archelaus included Judæa, DistribuSamaria, and Idumæa; the remainder of the territories tion of Herod's of Herod the Great were formed into two Tetrarchies, dominions that containing Galilee and Peræa was given to Herod Antipas; the other, which comprised Batanea, Trachonitis, and Auranitis, to Philip, who is described by St. Luke as Tetrarch of Iturea and of the region of

* Antiq. xvii. 9. Bell. Jud. ii. 2. + Antiq. xvii. 11, Bell. Jud. ii. 6. Antiq. xvii. 13. 3 Y 2 525

From

B. C.

3.

History. Trachonitis. A comparative judgment of the power thus intrusted to these three Princes may be formed from their respective revenues. That of Archelaus amounted to 400 talents,* of Herod to 200, and of Philip to 100. A Palace at Ascalon, with three cities, Jamnia, Azotus, and Phasaelis, producing 60 talents, yearly, became the portion of Salome, the sister of Herod the Great, the civil jurisdiction of these cities being reserved to Archelaus.

to

A. D.

70.

Abuses of the Procurator Sabi

nus.

Tumults in

Whilst the Jewish embassy was labouring to procure the reduction of Judæa to the condition of a Roman Province, their countrymen experienced some of the evils attendant upon that form of Government. In the division of the Provinces of the Empire, which were allotted to Augustus, and termed Provincia Imperatoriæ, that of Cale-Syria was included. In each of these Imperial Provinces the officer next in rank to the Governor was called the Procurator Cæsaris, and was charged with the entire management of the revenue. Sabinus was at this time Procurator in Cæle-Syria, a man of unprincipled habits and avaricious temper, who made the duty of protecting the interests of Cæsar a pretext for plunder, and occasioned disturbances in Jerusalem, which proceeded to an alarming extent. On the death of Herod, † Sabinus was hastening to Jerusalem to take charge on the behalf of Augustus of all the late King's treasure and effects. Archelaus availed himself of the kind interposition of Varus, the Roman Governor, to stop his proceedings; but no sooner had Archelaus departed to Rome, than Sabinus went up to Jerusalem, seized the Palace, and required the officers of Herod both to give an account of the treasures in their hands, and to surrender the strong places in their charge; to these demands compliance was universally refused, and the officers excused themselves by saying that they held these places more for Cæsar than for Archelaus.

The foresight of Varus had furnished Jerusalem Jerusalem. with one of the three legions of the Province, a force sufficient to have repressed any ordinary tumult, had not his precaution been defeated by the madness and misconduct of Sabinus, who not content with irritating the minds of the people by publicly displaying himself attended by his guards, attempted to obtain forcible possession of the Royal treasures. At the Feast of Pentecost when the feelings of the people were displayed in open hostility against the Roman soldiers, the Temple was forced by the troops, the porticoes were burnt, and the Treasury was plundered. From its spoils Sabinus was not ashamed to appropriate to himself no less a sum than 400 talents.‡ These tumults in Jerusalem were the signal for universal disorder. In the anarchy which then arose, numerous robber-chieftains attached to themselves large bodies of the people, and assuming the title of Kings plundered the country around. § It is probable that the Conjecture Theudas, who is mentioned in the speech of Gamaas to liel, (Acts, v. 36,) as having made an insurrection and placed himself at the head of a party, in the time prior to the rise of the Sect of Judas of Galilee, was one of these persons, or at least that he followed the

And the rest of Judæa.

Theudas.

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example which they had given in the interval between Of theJews. these troubles and those which arose from the taxing of Cyrenius.

B. C.

3. to A. D. 70. Punish

ment of the

The attack made upon the Temple by Sabinus, roused the people to a vigorous resistance, and the Roman legion was in imminent danger of perishing in he Palace, now besieged by the multitude, when it. was rescued by the arrival of Varus with the whole army of the Province. Sabinus ashamed of his con- insurgents. duct retired privately from the city. This decisive movement of Varus once more restored peace. Many of the conspirators were taken, and two thousand of the most guilty were crucified.* Of ten thousand who surrendered in Idumæa, the principal leaders were sent to Rome for the judgment of Augustus. Some of them were pardoned, whilst others who were of the kindred of Herod were put to death as persons who had rebelled against their King. Varus, having settled these disturbances, returned to Antioch, leaving one legion in garrison at Jerusalem. Of the acts of Archelaus during his reign, no particulars are recorded, except his twice deposing the High Priest, and building a city called Archelais. All that we learn from Josephust and from Dion Cassius, amounts only to this, that having been accused by his own Banishfamily and countrymen of cruelty and misgovernment, ment of he was banished by Augustus to Vienne in Gaul. Arches, This event is placed by Dion Cassius in the Consulship of Lepidus and Arruntius, v. c. 759. a. d. 6.‡

A. D.

6.

Trachonitis

A. D.

33.

U. C.

The history of Philip and Herod Antipas, the two Reign of sons of Herod the Great who shared with Archelaus in Philip, Tethe division of their father's Kingdom, derives its sole trarch of importance from their being persons whose names are recorded in the Gospel. Of Philip, whom we have before mentioned as possessing the Tetrarchy of Trachonitis, nothing more is related by Josephus,§ than the fact that he governed the country for thirty-seven years, and, that dying in the twentieth year of Tiberius, he left no heirs; he was an amiable and just Prince. His only public acts were the building the cities Cæsarea, Philippi, and Julias, in the latter of which he was buried. On his death, the government of the Tetrarchy was attached to the Province of Cæle-Syria, but the collection of the revenue remained distinct.

In the fate of Herod Antipas, Tetrarch of

*Bell. Jud. ii. 5.

† Antiq. xvii. 15.

There is some difficulty in ascertaining the exact duration of Archelaus's reign. Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 15, mentions his being accused to Augustus in the tenth year of his reign, and at the commencement of "his Life" relates that his father was born in the tenth year of the reign of Archelaus. But in Bell. Jud. ii. 7, the banishment is placed in the ninth year of his reign. The difficulty is solved by Mr. Benson, in his Treatise on the Chronology of Christ, p. 50, in the following manner, The Book of Antiquities being written for the Jews, the Jewish method of computation is preserved in it; according to which, the years of their Kings are dated from the month Nisan, so that if an accession take place in any month prior to Nisan, that portion of the year forms the first year of the reign. If then Archelaus came to the crown before Nisan of 4711, Jewish Period, and was banished after Nisan in 4719, Jewish Period, it would be correct, according to their computation, to say that the event took place in the tenth year of his reign. But in the Jewish War, which was written for the Romans, it is supposed that the author would follow the Roman method of dating events; according to which, if the death of Herod took place in February 4711, the year after February 4719, would be strictly and exactly the ninth current year of Archelaus's reign.

§ Antiq. xviii, 5.

766.

B. C.

3.

to

A. D.

Herod tipas,

History. Galilee, we take a greater interest, on account of his name being frequently mentioned in the GosFrom pels, and his being known to us as the Prince who put John the Baptist to death, and who examined and insulted our blessed Lord on the morning of his crucifixion. The immediate cause of the murder of the Baptist, is stated by Josephus to have been 70. the jealousy entertained by Herod of the influence which John had gained over the minds of the people, trarch of who seemed prepared to perform whatever the Baptist lilee. would command. But the Evangelist ascribes his arder of death to the anger of Herodias, who would not forin the give him for opposing her unlawful marriage with Herod, the brother of her husband. Ample traces of the Baptist's authority and influence may be discerned in what is affirmed by St. Luke (iii. 10) concerning the common people, the publicans, and even the soldiers applying to him as their spiritual teacher and guide. The public and the private reason might well exist together and if Herodias demanded the head of the Baptist from motives of revenge, Herod's own fear of the popularity of the man whom he had already imprisoned, might have induced him to fulfil his promise to Herodias, even if the presence of his Lords had not made him ashamed to retract it.

ptist.

This Herodias was sister of Herod Agrippa, ‡ whom Caligula made King of the Tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip. Upon her brother's elevation to a Throne, she used every argument to persuade her husband to seek from the Emperor an equal distinction, and in compliance with her wishes he made a voyage to Rome, the object of his journey being not unknown to Agrippa, who entertaining no very friendly views towards him, sent letters beforehand to Caligula charging Herod with secret disaffection, and with holding intercourse with Artabanus the Parthian; in confirmation of his statement he asserted, that Herod had made a great collection of military stores. The charge of being thus, though and but in appearance, prepared for war, Herod could not deny; and Caligula persuaded of his having had it in intention to revolt, deprived him of his Tetrarchy, and banished him to Lyons. His wife, whose ambition had thus paved the way for her husband's fall, refusing to be separated from him, became the faithful partner of his exile. From Lyons he removed into Spain, where he died.§

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i of

d

pas.

.D.

39.

. C.

92.

g of

On the banishment of Archelaus, Judæa was reius. duced to the condition of a Roman Province. The Governor of Cæle-Syria, Quirinus, or (as he is called by St. Luke and by Josephus) Cyrenius, came thither in person, attended by Coponius as Procurator; and having completed the confiscation of the estate of Archelaus, and the taxing of the people, left the Procurator in charge of that portion of his Province. Judæa had been for many years as truly a part of the Roman Empire as any other conquered country; but the nation did not feel this perfect dependence, until they were compelled to seek justice at the tribunal of a Roman Governor, and to pay tribute and taxes directly to Cæsar. The taxing of Cyrenius does not derive its sole importance from the apparent disagree

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From B. C. 3.

to A. D. 70.

Sect of

ment between St. Luke and Josephus in their account of the Jews. of this transaction ;* to it may be ascribed the rise of those feelings of hatred against the authority of Cæsar, which originating in religious scruples and increased by various political circumstances, eventually produced the war which terminated in the destruction of Jerusalem. That Sect now arose, the Sect of Judas Gaulonites, a native of Gamala,† and an inhabitant of Galilee, to whose principles and practices Josephus Judas Gauascribes the ruin of his country. They inculcated lonites. that the Roman Census was a badge of slavery, that it was disgraceful for men who had God for their Lord to pay any tribute, or to own any human master. It is plain that the Sect of Judas was a religious faction, and not merely a political party, from its being termed by Josephus the fourth Sect, following those of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. We may trace the prevalence of the opinions which they held, in the question put to our Lord respecting the lawfulness of paying tribute to Cæsar, and in the charge made against him of forbidding to give this tribute. That the influence of this party alone produced the rebellion of the Jews is hardly credible; at the same time, we may easily conceive, that an opinion entertained by the common people of the sinfulness of submitting to the Roman authority would aggravate their sense of the injuries committed by the Roman Governors, and help to forward the designs of those who from motives of personal aggrandizement fomented the revolt.

With the exception of that grand and most impor tant event, the rise and progress of Christianity, the consideration of which belongs to Christian History, and from which we therefore purposely in this place abstain, Judæa, under the Roman Procurators, pre-, sents few points worthy attention. During the latter years of Augustus the administration of the country was successively confided to Coponius, Marcus Ambi-' rius, and Annius Rufus ; and in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, it is fair to conclude, that under their government the Jews had no reason to lament the change of their political condition. The short duration of their office, and the prospect of being speedily recalled to give an account of their administration, must have tended materially to prevent injustice and oppression; but under the reign of Tiberius, the great length of time during which Valerius Gratus, and Pontius Pilate held the office of Governor, the one for eleven, the other for ten years, must have given opportunities for maladministration, though it does not appear that Valerius Gratus abused his power. Whilst Banishthe Jews in Judæa were enjoying peace under his ment of government, their less fortunate brethren at Rome were by a decree of the Senate forbidden the observance of their ceremonies, and commanded either to renounce their religion or to depart from the city. This severe measure was owing to the conduct of four Jews, who were banished from Judæa, and undertook to teach at Rome the doctrines of the Mosaic Law. A Roman lady of noble family, who had embraced Judaism, had been induced to commit to their charge offerings of purple and money for the service of the Temple at

For a solution of the difference here stated, see Lardner's Credibility, part i. vol. ii. book ii. ch. i.

† Antiq. xviii. 6. Bell. Jud. ii. 8.

the Jews from Rome.

A. D.

19.

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Pontius'

curator.

A. D. 26.

banishment at Vienne in Dauphiny; and a tradition Of thelem
to this effect still exists in that neighbourhood.*
The conduct of the Roman Governors was not From
always oppressive; there were found amongst them a. C.
not unfrequently men, who in the execution of
their office united justice with kindness, and who to
gained a corresponding influence over the affections of
the Jewish nation.

8.

A. D.

70

Vitella

The year prior to Pilate's deposition, Vitellius, the Midd Proconsul of Syria, came to Jerusalem; his visit was one of kindness, and he testified his care of the temporal condition, not less than his respect for the resome vexatious imposts, and restoring to the Priests the custody of the robes worn at the festivals by the High Priest, † which had been from the time of Herod kept in the castle of Antonia, and came, together with that fortress, into the possession of the Romans. Nor was this the only testimony of regard which Vitellius displayed to the opinions of the nation; for when the army was advancing to a war against Aretas, which was interrupted by the death of Tiberius, he changed the order of march, that the Holy territory might not be polluted by the presence of heathen standards, and came himself to sacrifice at Jerusalem.

Pontius Pilate was the first of the Roman GoverPilate, Pro- nors whose tyrannical conduct contributed to excite disaffection in Judæa.* It had been hitherto the custom for the Roman army, in compliance with the religious scruples of the Jews, by relieving them from ligious feelings of the Jews, to leave outside the city of Jerusalem those ensigns which bore the image of the Emperor; but when Pilate sent his troops from Cæsarea to winter at Jerusalem, the standards were secretly introduced under cover of the night. This violation of the sanctity of the Holy City excited the indignation of the people, who flocked in crowds to Cæsarea to intreat that the idolatrous emblems might be removed. For six days they continued in vain their supplication to Pilate; on the seventh he surrounded them with soldiers, and threatened them with instant death unless they desisted from their demands. With one accord they declared themselves willing to die; and Pilate wondering at their courage and patience, found it expedient to comply with their requests, and to give orders for the removal of the standards from Jerusalem. Philot relates a similar circumstance respecting some shields which Pilate had dedicated in the Temple in honour of Tiberius, and which he refused to remove, until an embassy from the Jews had obtained from the Emperor an order to that effect.

Pilate seems to have taken pleasure in opposing the prejudices and violating the feelings of the Jewish nation; having expended the sacred treasure of the Temple in building an aqueduct 300 stadia in length, on his return to Jerusalem he was surrounded by the people, who complained aloud of this sacrilege. Pilate foresaw that such complaints would be made, and the means which he took to repress them were consistent with his tyrannical temper; mixing his troops in private dresses amongst the people, he suddenly gave the signal for an assault. Many were killed by the hands of the soldiers, many more by the pressure of the crowd; terror silenced complaint, and the people fled from the tribunal in dismay.§ Some tumults of a formidable character having broken out in Samaria, Pilate led his troops to repress them. The Samaritans besought the protection of Vitellius, the Proconsul of the Province, who inquired into the causes of the disturbance, and being convinced of the misconduct of Pilate, deposed him from his office, and commanded him to appear before the Emperor at Rome. Tiberius died before the arrival of Pilate, who thus escaped the punishment due to his crimes. And death. But Eusebius | relates that Pilate fell into such great troubles under the Emperor Caligula, that in despair he committed suicide. It is also stated that he died in

His despo

tism,

A. D. 37.

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Jean

Greek

During the reign of Caligula, Judæa still remained attached to the Province of Syria, and the nation began to experience the commencement of those calamities which were prophesied by our Lord as preludes to the destruction of the city and Temple. At this period Co we observe the rise of that spirit of contention between the Jewish and Greek inhabitants of cities situate in Syria, in Egypt, and in the East, which occasioned the destruction of thousands of the Jews. The Romans generally took part with the Greeks, and by aiding to dispossess the Jews of their ancient pri vileges, and in some cases permitting the utmost violence to be exercised, they contributed to alienate from themselves the affection of the nation in general.

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The Alexandrine Jews, by the connivance, and in some respects by the open encouragement of Flaccus, the Governor,§ were subjected to a dreadful persecu tion by the Macedonian inhabitants of Alexandria, For a time the heathen rabble of that great city revelled in the most lawless cruelty. The synagogues of the Jews were polluted by statues of the Emperor, their houses plundered, the great body of the Jewish inhabitants forcibly thrust out of the city, and many persons put to death with every kind of torture and insult. These tumults occasioned that embassy to res Caligula, in which Philo Judæus bore a chief part; an account of which, as well as of this persecution, which he has recorded, forming if not the most curious, certainly a very instructive and interesting part of his writings.

Insults on account of their religion were not con- At fined to the Alexandrine Jews alone, those of Judea soon experienced the violence of Caligula, when his flatterers attempted to force compliance with the desires which he had expressed to be honoured as a God. Frequent disputes had taken place in Jamnia, between the Greek and Jewish inhabitants; and the * Tillemont, Hist. des Emper. vol. i. p. 721. Antiq. xviii. 5.

§ Philo, Leg. ad Caium.
Ibid. Leg. ad Caium.

Ibid. 9, 10.
Ibid. Flaccus.

3. to s. D.

70.

History. impious vanity of Caligula, gave the former the fairest opportunity of gratifying their malice. They accordFrom ingly erected an altar to the Emperor;* and when B. C. the Jews destroyed it, being near to their Synagogue, they maliciously informed Caligula of the proceedings, who gave orders to Petronius to erect a still greater abomination, his statue in the Temple at Jerusalem. Well aware of the resistance which the Jewish nation would make to the execution of his decree, he at the same time gave direction to Petronius to reinforce his army, by drawing to his aid one-half the troops stationed upon the Euphrates. Whilst Petronius was at Ptolemais collecting his forces, and waiting the arrival of the statue from Sidon, a body of several thousand Jews came to implore him to desist from the attempt. Alarmed by the determined spirit which they displayed, he went to Tiberias, there to observe the disposition of the people. For forty days together the Jews here continued their supplication, professing their determination to die rather than witness the pollution of the Temple. The Roman General found himself compelled to yield, and promised to write to the Emperor in their behalf. Before the arrival of the letter of Petronius, Agrippa had procured, as a personal favour, the reversal of the decree, and despatches had been sent with the announcement. Soon after came the letter of Petronius; the rage of Caligula was unbounded; in his answer he reproached him with corrupt motives in yielding to the Jews, and ordered him to put himself to death. But the news of the Emperor's decease reached Judæa before the despatch which contained this sentence, and the life of Petronius was thus preserved.

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On the accession of the Emperor Claudius, Judæa was once more, for a period of four years, restored to the dominion of a native Prince, in the person of the elder Agrippa.

Agrippa was the grandson of Herod the Great, his father was Aristobulus, the son of Mariamne, his mother Bernice, the daughter of Salome.† From his earliest childhood he resided at Rome, under the care of Bernice, where he formed an early friendship with Drusus, the son of Tiberius. As he grew up, his intercourse with the Court led him into habits of expense inconsistent with the slender fortune which he enjoyed during his mother's life-time, and upon her death he speedily dissipated his remaining wealth in splendid entertainments, and presents conferred to purchase favours at the Court. The death of Drusus destroyed his hope of advancement at Rome, and he determined to return to Judæa. Here he married Cypros, the daughter of Phasael, a woman of very superior conduct, and devotedly attached to her husband. For some time he remained in Judæa, but disdaining his dependent station he once more went to Rome to try his fortunes.

Being accompanied by Cypros to Alexandria, by her means he borrowed a considerable sum, with which he set sail for Italy, whilst his consort returned with her children to Judæa. At Rome, Agrippa once more renewed his intimacy with the family of Tiberius, and became the frequent companion of Caligula; but some words which he one day uttered, expressive of his hope that Caligula might ascend the Throne,

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having been communicated to Tiberius, he was put of theJews. in prison, and there remained until the death of the Emperor released him from his confinement.

From B. C. 3. to

A. D.

70.

Caligula did not forget the sufferings of his friend. A few days after his accession he sent for him, and placing a diadem upon his head gave him the Tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, with the title of King, at the same time presenting him with a golden chain He is inequal in weight to the fetters in which he had been vested with bound. Caligula advised him to visit Alexandria on his the title of way to Judæa, and his arrival there occurred during the King. troubles which the Jewish inhabitants were enduring from their Greek fellow-citizens by the connivance of Flaccus. Agrippa himself was exposed to insult, and undertook on behalf of his afflicted brethren to communicate to Caligula information respecting their condition; his application, however, entirely failed of success.

A. D.

37.

A. D.

40.

Agrippa did not long remain in Syria after taking possession of his territory, but returned to Rome, and it was at this time that he prevailed upon Caligula to forbear the proposed erection of his statue. When the Emperor was assassinated, Agrippa took part in the counsels of the Senate, and Claudius was much indebted to him for the peaceable manner in which he came to the Throne; and in grateful remembrance of this assistance, he conferred upon Agrippa, in addition Judæa is to the two Tetrarchies received from Caligula, the added to Sovereignty of Judæa and Samaria, and other dis- nions. tricts, which together formed a Kingdom of equal extent with that of Herod the Great. As a further testimony of his favour, he gave to his brother Herod the Kingdom of Chalcis.

*

his domi

A. D. 41.

Agrippa now hastened to Jerusalem, and offering sacrifices of thanksgivings in the Temple, there dedicated the golden fetters which Caligula had given him, as a monument of his former sufferings and a token of the kindness of Providence. The Sovereignty of Agrippa was purely dependent upon the Court at Rome; but with the Jews his power was supreme; and he so used his authority as to become universally His popupopular, and to gain the character of a wise and larity, beneficent Prince. To the Christian Church, however, he was a persecutor, and put James, the brother of John, to death. His motives for this act, and for his attempt on the life of St. Peter, are described by the Sacred Historiant to have been the desire of "pleasing the Jews," a statement quite in unison with the assertion of Josephus respecting the popularity of his government. The splendour of his Court, the liberal presents which he made, his constant residence at Jerusalem, and his exertions to strengthen the city by enclosing the new town, Bezetha, with fortifications, all tended to procure for him the favour of the people. His reign over Judæa lasted little more than three years, though for seven he had enjoyed the title of King over the Tetrarchies of Lysanias and Philip. In the account of his death there is that sort of agree- And death. ment between the Christian and Jewish Historian§ which bespeaks truth in each; they both relate the place, Cæsarea: the time, the celebration of a public solemnity; the adulation of the people in calling him a God; and his allowing such praise to pass unreproved. Josephus writes, that on a sudden he beheld a bird

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