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involving eight people. That is the total number of investigations you have had during the past year, I take it?
Mr. Fly. Yes.
Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. As to the first four and the sixth cases I note that services have been terminated.
Mr. Fly. That is right.
Mr. WiggLESWORTH. I do not know whether this shows how long they had been with the Commission.
Mr. Fly. Yes, it does, in the first and second lines; it shows the name and it shows the date they were hired.
Mr. WIGGLES WORTH. In the fifth case you say there was no recommendation by the F. B. I.
Mr. Fly. I think that is the fifth case, is it not?
Mr. Fly. The first cases, the first four, have been terminated, I believe.
Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. That is right.
Mr. Fly. And the fifth is one in which there was a complete report from the F. B. I.
Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. With no recommendation.
Mr. Fly. As I recall I went into that particular report personally and there was no statement, no direct statement by anyone, that that lady was a Communist. On the other hand there were a number of very reliable statements of responsible people who knew her well and gave it as their firm opinion that she was not at all communistic. There were a few, one that I recall, that said she was suspected of associating, or she had been seen in company with people who were supposed to be Communists, or that her husband was thought to have been a Communist, but on the other hand it was my impression-I am stating this from memory--that this did not make a case against her, and it was a very comprehensive investigation.
Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. She is still on the rolls?
Mr. WIGGLES WORTH. The seventh case has been held in abeyance for the time being.
Mr. Fly. That is right.
FREDERICK L. SCHUMAN
Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. You have a Mr. Frederick L. Schuman on the rolls of the Foreign Broadcast Intelligence Service.
Mr. Fly. That is right.
Mr. Fly. He was appointed by the Commission upon the recommendation of Dr. Leigh, the head of the Foreign Broadcast Intelligence Service, and I might say after investigation by Dr. Leigh.
Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. What is his background?
Mr. Fly. He is a native of Chicago. He taught in the University of Chicago from 1926 to 1936 and has been holding the Woodrow
Wilson professorship of government at Williams College from 1936 and has come to us on leave from that position.
Dr. Leigh called upon the Civil Service Commission to investigate him, and some months passed and the Civil Service Commission did not move on it. I do not know why; they probably were overburdened with work, whereupon Dr. Leigh investigated him himself and received vigorous endorsements from various responsible people. For example, Charles E. Merriam, of the University of Chicago; Edgar Ansel Mowrer, at present in the Office of War Information; Tyler Dennett, former president, Williams College; James P. Baxter, now in the Office of Strategic Service, and president of Williams College, on leave; Edgar Nathan, president, Bureau of Manhattan; and a number of others.
Vir. WIGGLESWORTH. Do you know if it is a fact that he is a member of the National Lawyers Guild?
Mr. Fly. I do not know whether that is a fact, sir, but I would hope that no suggestion of disloyalty is likely to be founded upon membership in the National Lawyers Guild, because that would involve some of the most reputable lawyers and judges in this country.
Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. Do you know if it is a fact that he was a member of the League of Professional Groups, who were sponsors of or interested in William Z. Foster and James Ford?
Mr. Fly. Is that the name of the organization?
Mr. WIGGLESWORTH. The name I have is the League of Professional Groups favoring William Z. Foster and James Ford.
Mr. Fly. Well, I do not know.
Mr. STARNES. Would you permit me to ask a question or two there, Mr. Wigglesworth.
Mr. WIGGLES WORTH. Yes.
Mr. STARNES. Mr. Fly, the name is "League of Professional Groups for Foster and Ford,” which had its headquarters at 35 East Twelfth Street, New York, and his name appears on the League documents and pamphlets as one of the group. I would like to read a few excerpts from this pamphlet for the purpose of the record.
Mr. Fly. May I answer Mr. Wigglesworth's question?
Mr. STARNES. This is in the preface of the publication Culture and the Crisis, and there is one page where the name of sponsors are shown. It is an open letter addressed to writers, artists, teachers, physicians, engineers, scientists, and other professional workers, asking them to support the Communist Party ticket of 1932 of Foster and Ford. It states in part:
We claim the right to reject the dishonest, the lunacy spawned by grafters, advertisers, traders, speculators, salesmen, and much adulated, immensely stupid, irresponsible businessmen.
Mr. Fly. Mr. Chairman, I want the record to be clear that he is not quoting Professor Schuman; probably a book which Professor Schuman is stated to have sponsored, but I do want to explain that he did not sponsor the book and I do not want the committee to be confused in thinking so.
Mr. STARNES. I am not trying to confuse anyone.
Mr. STARNEs. And I think the committee will be very clear, when I get through with making the statement, that I am not, and I do not want you to leave the impression that I am trying to.
Mr. Fly. I did not so intend, and I readily apologize for that.
Mr. STARNES. I am just as jealous of the written record as the gentleman who testifies is.
Mr. Fly. Yes; I am sure of that.
Mr. STARNES. Now, I quote further from this same publication, Culture and the Crisis.
We have acted. As responsible intellectual workers, we have alined ourselves with the frankly revolutionary Communist Party, the party of workers. In this letter we speak to you of our own class—to the writers, authors, scientists, teachers, engineers, to all other professional workers—tell you as best we can why we have made this decision and why we think you too should support the Communist Party in the political campaign under way.
That was the Presidential campaign under way in 1932.
There are a number of other quotations, Mr. Chairman, that I want to use for the record.
Mr. WOODRUM. Where does the gentleman's name appear on that publication?
Mr. STARNES. It appears on the back, in the list of persons who were purported to have issued this letter.
Mr. FITZPATRICK. Is it not often the case that they put names on letters of that type which go out without consulting the person whose name is used?
Mr. Fly. This is just such a case of that character, Mr. Fitzpatrick.
Mr. STARNES. I have never had that happen to me, strangely enough.
Mr. WOODRUM. I think the committee would like to know if he has refuted the statement.
Mr. Fly. I do not have a statement of refutation but I do have the statement that he not only did not sponsor the publication but in fact he never saw it.
Mr. WOODRUM. Did he state his views about it; that is the important thing.
Mr. Fly. Well, I can say this: The fact that he had nothing to do with the book or with its sponsorship was acknowledged by Malcolm Cowley who was connected with its publication, and that he could not possibly have seen the contents of the book before it was published.
Now in connection with the chairman's question as to whether he believes in some of the things that were in the book which he had not seen and not sponsored I think I can definitely say that he did not believe in them, and I shall give you some quotations here in a moment that will show more specifically that what he believed was opposite to communism, in the Russian sense.
Mr. FITZPATRICK. Did he refute that statement?
Mr. Fly. I have given you all the facts that I have, sir. The fact that Cowley himself stated that Schuman could not have possibly seen it leads me to the conclusion that that was definitely cleared up, but I do not know the details of it.
Mr. STARNES. Dr. Cowley's name is mentioned here with those included along with Schuman. Did he say anything about the connextions with the movement in his statement?
Mr. Fly. I do not suppose there was any doubt of Cowley's connection with it.
Mr. STARNES. He resigned recently from the Federal service, did he not?
Mr. Fly. I am not familiar with his history, sir,
Mr. STARNES. The name of Malcolm Cowley and John Dos Passos, and Granville Hicks, and other names familiar to all intelligent American people who have had anything to with the political life of this country in the last decade or two decades, who are known to be Socialists, left-wing radicals or Communists.
EXCERPTS FROM PUBLICATIONS AND LETTERS REFERRING TO FREDERICK
I want to have the privilege of setting forth additional excerpts and the story of the origin of the pamphlet, which was published and which was broadcast throughout the country at the time.
(The statement referred to follows:)
WRITERS IN SUPPORT OF COMMUNISTS
BIGGEST NAMES IN ART, LITERATURE, AND EDUCATION-SCORE
PLEDGE SUPPORT TO FOSTER AND FORD
New York.-A group of educators, writers, architects and artists issued a *call today for the formation of committees throughout the country in "support
in the national elections of the Communist Party and its candidates, Wm. 2. Foster and James W. Ford.” The call signed by the group including Lincoln Steffens, Winifred L. Chappell, executive secretary, Methodist Federation of Social Service; Prof. Newton Arvin, Smith College; Sidney Howard, author of They Knew What They Wanted, Pulitzer Prize winner; Prof. Ferderick L. Schuman, University of Chicago; Bruce Crawford, editor, Crawford's Weekly, Norton, Va.; Sherwood Anderson, John Dos Passos, Theodore Dreiser, novelists; Adolph Dehn, Alfred Frueh, artists, and Maxwell Hyde, architect, stated, “that the only effective way to protest against the chaos, the appalling wastefulness, and the indescribable misery inherent in the present economic system is to vote for the Communist candidates."
The statement in full reads: "We are convinced that both the Republican and Democratic Parties represent the interests of the moneyed classes, that is, of the big manufacturers, capitalists, and bankers, and not the interests of the people at large; that there is no way out of the crisis through either of them. Both parties are hopelessly corrupt, and both will try to save the profits of the rich at the expense of the rest of the population.
"The Socialists aim, in theory, to abolish the present system, but are doing nothing to organize a labor movement by which this may be accomplished. They have no convincing plan. And the example of the British and German Socialists is far from reassuring. In Great Britain and Germany, the Socialists went to the side of the rich as soon as the capitalist state seemed in danger."
"We believe that the only effective way to protest against the chaos, the appalling wastefulness, and the indescribable misery inherent in the present economic system is to vote for the Communist candidates."
"The Communist Party alone is working to educate and organize the classes dispossessed by the present system, so as to make them an efficient instrument for establishing a new society based on equal opportunity to work, equable distribution of income, and ownership by the people of the national resources.”
"We therefore pledge our support in the national elections to the Communist Party and its candidates, Wm. 2. Foster and James W. Ford and call upon all educators, writers, engineers, social workers, artists, architects and intellectuals in general to join us in this move and form Foster and Ford committees throughout the country.
(Signed) Sherwood Anderson, Newton Arvin, Emjo Basshe, Slater
Brown, Erskine Caldwell, Robert Cantwell, Winifred L. Chapell,
Edmund Wilson, Ella May Winter, Robert Witaker.
Fourth ANNUAL CONFERENCE
Washington, D. C., March 2 and 3, 1940
AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR PROTECTION OF FOREIGN BORN Sponosrs: Louis Adamic, Dr. Janet Rankin Aiken, Sherwood Anderson, Rober Baldwin, Prof. Frederick L. Schuman, L. Hollingsworth Wood, Dr. Mary E. Wooley, Dr. Max Yergan, Charles S. Zimmerman; Ernest Hemingway, Dr. William Allan Neilson, Cochairman, Committee of Sponsors.
CULTURE AND THE CRISIS
An open letter to the writers, artists, teachers, physicians, engineers, scientists
ORIGIN OF THIS PAMPHLET
In September 1932 a group of over 50 American writers, painters, teachers, and other professional workers declared their support of Foster and Ford and the Communist ticket in the 1932 national election. The following statement was given to the press:
“We are convinced that both the Republican and Democratic Parties represent the interests of the moneyed classes; that is, of the big manufacturers, capitalists, and bankers, and not the interests of the people at large; that there is no way out of the crisis through either of them. Both parties are hopelessly corrupt, and both will try to save the profits of the rich at the expense of the rest of the population.
"The Socialists aim, in theory, to abolish the present system but are doing nothing to organize a labor movement by which this may be accomplished. They have no convincing plan. And the example of the British and German Socialists is far from reassuring. In Great Britain and Germany the Socialists went over to the side of the rich as soon as the capitalist state seemed in danger.
“We believe that the only effective way to protest against the chaos, the appalling wastefulness, and the indescribable misery inherent in the present economic system is to vote for the Communist candidates.
“The Communist Party alone is working to educate and organize the classes dispossessed by the present system, so as to make them an efficient instrument for establishing a new society based on equal opportunity to work, equable distribution of income, and ownership by the people of the national resources.
“We therefore pledge our support in the national elections to the Communist Party and its candidates, William Z. Foster and James W. Ford, and call upon