are secure against the evils of domestic misgovernment. The indications they have given of acquaintance with the spirit of enlightened institutions, it is contended, are exceedingly ambiguous; and the question is repeatedly asked, what have the friends of liberty to hope from a form of government which forbids, like the Mexican, the exercise of all but the Catholic religion, or invests, like the Brazilian, the chief magistrate in the imperial purple, or maintains like that of Buenos Ayres, the tranquillity of the republic by the presence of a military force. To these imposing interrogatories, it is enough to reply, that as much was undertaken in the revolt of the colonies, it cannot be a matter of surprise that something remains to be done. In watching the progress of liberal principles in the South American provinces, we are exposed to a constant source of error, from a disposition to contemplate the great distance they are from the end of their enterprise, instead of comparing this interval with the still greater distance they have already advanced from the outset of their arduous career. In complaining of the evils of religious intolerance, of the ruinous and absurd Alcabala, of the enormous government monopolies, and of the weakness and instability of the new constitutions, we are accustomed to overlook entirely the complete annihilation of the mother country's authority, the abolition of the inquisition and the mita, the removal of the infamous restraints on education, the suppression of the more odious commercial restrictions, the melioration of the condition of the Indians, the dissemination of scientific and political knowledge, the gradual eradication of deep-rooted prejudices, and in short, the successive demolition of the numerous barriers which for so many ages have excluded the South American people from the knowledge and enjoyment of their rights. There is one reflection which has never failed to encourage us in the darkest and most disastrous reverses of the patriot cause-the redeeming and ever-operative spirit of the principle for which they are contending. The matter in dispute between Spain and her colonies, is neither a controverted boundary, nor a disputed settlement, nor an unliquidated debt, nor the enjoyment of a commercial privilege. If it were only one of these, the objeet of the contest might be gained, without advancing, in the least, the interests of liberty. But Southern America is contending for the glorious and sacred principle of the people's Sovereignty. It is this which has been set forth in all her negotiations with Europe; it is this which gives character and form to every constitution she has framed, and it is this which is free ly and fully discussed in every town and village within her extensive territory. The solemn and transcendently important truths which the study of this simple principle fruitfully developes, once learned, can never be forgotten. They will slowly but steadily incorporate themselves with all the opinions of the growing generations of the South, and will continue long after the establishment of national tranquillity, to remove by silent and almost imperceptible changes, the less liberal features in their constitutional policy. 1926 It may be said, that the high-sounding professions of pa triotic regard contained in the manifestos and messages of the civil authorities, as well as in the proclamations and addresses{ of the patriotic generals, are intended solely for effect, and do not imply, on the part of the rulers of the South, a sincere disposition to consult the wishes or the welfare of the provinces. But, to acquaint the people with the nature and extent of their rights, appears at best, a very clumsy and a very dangerous expedient, if only intended to advance the ambitious projects of the authors of these declarations. A monarch might as soon expect to purchase the submission of a rebellious province by the payment of an annual tribute of arms and ammunition. The recognition of the sovereignty of the people, and the virtual acknowledgment of the justice of the representative principle, will forever secure, in the hands of the electors, the power thus explicitly disclaimed by the heads of the government. It is truly astonishing to see with what rapidity the elementary truths of national polity are developed, comprehended and applied, when once the monstrous and blasphemous absurdity of the monarchical principle,' is distinctly and sufficiently appreciated. Let it once be universally established, that the law is the will of the majority announced by their authorized agents to the whole of the nation, and it will be found, that the principles of government are but immediate and obvious corollaries of this simple, yet comprehensive proposition. There is scarcely a subject of the law who cannot easily understand and make use of this only legitimate test of the justice or expediency of legislative systems, and the consequence must evidently be, that, wherever this doctrine is made to regulate the conduct of a state, wherever it constitutes the evidence, the sanction, and the tenure of authority, the liberties of the people can seldoni or never be endangered. Accordingly, we find, that in the republics of Mexico, La Plata and Colombia, but particularly in the latter, the governments are gradually acquiring that appearance of order and tranquillity which can only proceed from the confidence of the citizens in the intelligence, the ability and the patriotism of the leaders of the national councils. In Brazil, there is little reason to hope for political repose, until that shadow of an emperor, Don Pedro, be sent by his indignant subjects, like Iturbide, with a pension, to the shores of more congenial Europe, to perish, like him, if he returns. Chili, since the memorable battle of Maypo, has not only been able to preserve her own independence, but by lending her navy, under the command of Lord Cochrane, to assist the operations of San Martin, she enabled the latter, in 1821, to gain possession of Lima and Callao. Of the subsequent events in Peru, the deposition and banishment of Monteagudo, the appointment of San Martin generalissimo of the Peruvian forces, (an act of the congress, which has been variously construed,) his resignation of the honour proposed, the suspension of the sittings of the congress by Riva Aguero, the re-entry of Canterac into Lima, in 1823, the expedition of Bolivar, the denunciation of Riva Aguero, the recovery, loss and recapture of Lima and Callao, the jealousies subsisting between Cuzco and the capital, the dissentions prevailing among the patriot forces, and the actual condition of things in the country of the Incas, all highly interesting subjects, it was our intention to speak at some length; but our wishes to obtain authenticated information with respect to these curious circumstances, will induce us to defer our speculations until another and a better opportunity. In the mean time, the latest accounts from the Argentine Republic,' if any reliance can be placed on them, give us reason to believe that Canterac and Valdez must soon retire before the arms of the victorious Bolivar, and the accession of Olañeta to the patriot cause, must go near to determine, we think, the independence of Peru. CHORUS, In the Orestes of Euripides. STROPHE. Oh awful powers! whose pinions brush Where wild the Corybantes move; Till blood for blood ye shall receive, ANTISTROPHE. Great Jove! if mercy dwell with thee, Cherished their warning annals be! Chorus.-But lo! with regal port elate, Approaches Sparta's conquering king; Hail to thee, victorious Lord! Whose thousand galleys cut the sea, And o'er insulting Asia poured The hosts of Hellas! hail to thee! Thy vows well pleased did heaven record 12 There is not, perhaps, a more affecting poem, in the Kleinere Gedichte of Schiller, than his Kindesmörderin. Yet, while the Bell Song, Knight Toggenburg, Fridolin, Polycrates' Ring, and many others, have been ably and variously translated, we do not remember to have met with an English version of the Childmurderess of this admirable poet. As the German language is cultivated in this country, or, at least, in this city, to a very limited extent, we have ventured to offer to our readers the following translation of this celebrated ballad, premising that some slight alterations have been made, in order to accommodate the language to the simplicity which the metre, selected for the purpose, appeared to require. THE CHILDMURDERESS. Hark! hark! the bells are tolling! I hear the muffled drum! Come take, O world, these bitter tears, fast gushing from my eyes, And fare ye well, ye golden dreams, how little were ye worth! Oh! once ere Anna's dwelling, the faithless Henry found, Perhaps he's gazing on her face, or playing with her hair, knell! |