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at Merton, I had the pleasure of hearing of this circumstance from the illustrious Lord Nelson, near whom I had the honour of being seated at table. He said, "Mr. Kelly, when in Naples, I have frequently heard your old master, Aprile, speak of you with great affection, though he said that, when with him, you were as wild as a colt. He mentioned, also, your having given him your piano-forte, which, he said, nothing should induce him to part with."

At parting, Aprile gave his pupil money and recommendations, by the help of which young Kelly procured an engagement at Florence, and on its termination, accepted another as first comic tenor at Venice. While making a short stay at Bologna, he describes the following whimsical occurrence.

I had a letter to deliver to a Bolognese nobleman, Signor Ferussini, a singular character, though a very worthy man; he was frightfully ugly and humpbacked, yet he was afflicted with the disease of supposing every woman who saw him, in love with him; as he was rich, he spared no expense in adorning himself, in order to set off his charms to the best advantage. I was waiting for him one morning, when he came from his toilette, dressed in a new suit of the richest and most expensive quality, painted, patched, and made up in every possible way. He placed himself before a large mirror, and indulged himself thus:" I am handsome, young, and amiable the women follow me, and I am healthy and rich-what on earth do Í want?"-"Common sense, you rascal," said his father (who had just entered the room) in a fury, and immediately knocked him down.'

The discipline was severe; we hope it was efficacious; but a horsewhip would have been less dangerous, and more paternal.

The first Venetian engagement came to nothing, through the failure of the manager; but, after a brief season at the Gratz Theatre, Mr. Kelly successively performed at Brescia, which he left abruptly in consequence of an intimation that his life was in danger, Treviso, and Venice, where he was fortunate enough to be engaged at a liberal salary for the Italian Opera at Vienna. His letters of recommendation were highly respectable, and he enjoyed the privilege of mingling in the highest circles, with frequent opportunities of observing the habits and address of the Emperor Joseph, as well as those of his minister Kaunitz, and his generals, Lascy and Laudon. We shall make room for some interesting particulars respecting Mozart. Mr. Kelly was introduced to him at a concert, where

he favoured the company by performing fantasias and capriccios on the piano-forte. His feeling, the rapidity of his fingers, the great execution and strength of his left hand particularly, and the apparent inspiration of his modulations, astounded me. After this splen

did performance, we sat down to supper, and I had the pleasure to be placed at table between him and his wife, Madame Constance Weber, a German lady, of whom he was passionately fond, and by whom he had three children. He was a remarkably small man, very thin and pale, with a profusion of fine fair hair, of which he was rather vain. He gave me a cordial invitation to his house, of which I availed myself, and passed a great part of my time there. He always received me with kindness and hospitality. He was remarkably fond of punch, of which beverage I have seen him take copious draughts. He was also fond of billiards. He was kind-hearted and always ready to oblige; but so very particular when he played, that if the slightest noise were made, he instantly left off. I remember at the first rehearsal (of the Nozze di Figaro) of the full band, Mozart was on the stage with his crimson pelisse and gold-laced cocked hat, giving the time of the music to the orchestra. Figaro's song, Non piu andrai, farfallone amoroso,' Bennuci gave with the greatest animation and power of voice. I was standing close to Mozart, who, sotto voce, was repeating, Bravo! Bravo! Bennuci; and when Bennuci came to the fine passage, Cherubino, alla vittoria, alla gloria militar,' which he gave out with Stentorian lungs, the effect was electricity itself, for the whole of the performers on the stage, and those in the orchestra, as if actuated by one feeling of delight, vociferated Bravo! Bravo! Maestro: Viva! Viva! grande Mozart.'

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We can go no further with Mr. Kelly: the greater part of his book relates to matters very much out of our way. Before we take leave, however, of our two autobiographers, we must express a wish that certain particulars of their lives had been entirely passed over. Mr. Reynolds, especially, is sometimes, to use his own phrase, gratuitously broad.'

Art. III. Sermons. Par Charles Scholl, L'un des Pasteurs de l'Eglise Francoise de Londres. 8vo. pp. 234. London, 1826.

THE

HE French language, so far as the voice and ear are concerned, is uncommonly favourable to a public speaker. The breadth and fullness of its vowel sounds, the energy of its conventional delivery, and the force and elevation with which it is usual to give the termination of sentences, are all well calculated for impression. We believe it is Mr. Payne Knight who has contrasted the character of our popular eloquence with that of France, and referred to some such peculiarities as those which we have just mentioned, the effect produced on their hearers by the orators of the Revolution. Compare our mincing pronunciation of the words-liberty, equality, treason, vengeance with the corresponding expressions-liberté, egalité, trahison, vengeance-in the plenitude and terminal stress of

French delivery, and the superiority in this respect, of one system of utterance over the other, will be manifest. We are not, however, disposed to make the same concessions on the point of general harmony. The rising close, though favourable to distinctness, is incomparably inferior in melody to the falling cadence, too often suffered by our readers and speakers to sink into an inaudible murmur. The incessant jerk and prevailing nasality of Gallic intonation are indescribably unpleasant, and fatal to every aim at dignity and genuine power. There may, perhaps, be somewhat of rational self-complacency in our opinion; but we are, on the whole, very much disposed to believe, that, to say nothing of internal structure, our system of reading and pronunciation is, for all the higher purposes, superior to that of any other people in Europe. The harsh aspirate of the Spaniard, the overwhelming gutturality of the German, and the predominance of vowels that emasculates the language of Italy, are much more intractable peculiarities than the imputed sibilancy of our own dialect.

M. Scholl's designation-l'un des Pasteurs de l'Eglise Francoise de Londres-has suggested these remarks, by reminding us of the pulpit exercises of one of his predecessors, M. le Mercier; a gentleman whose attractive manner sometimes tempted us to lose sight of the rather doubtful evangelism of his matter. His exterior was advantageous; his countenance intelligent and interesting. He read well, with enough of the English cadence to cover the edginess of French enunciation, and enough of the latter to give point and poignancy to the former. He published some sermons on public worship, which were, if we recollect rightly, rather vapid. How far his successor may surpass or fall short of his advantages as a public speaker, we are unable to say, but we can bear testimony to his superiority as a preacher of the gospel. M. Scholl is not remarkably distinguished for excellence as a reasoner, nor should we suppose that his doctrinal views come quite up to what decided Calvinists are accustomed to consider as the Evangelical standard; but he is a spirited declaimer, a faithful and earnest preacher; his appeals to the conscience are searching and uncompromising; his practical exhortations are well defined; and his estimates of character are discriminating and effective. The following is a fair example of his general manner.

The Saviour gives to his disciples the strength necessary for stedfasts in the faith, and for growth in grace and holiness. The Christian character is not the work of a moment. To believe that it is thus formed, is to betray ignorance of our own hearts, as well as of he spirituality of the divine law. The sinner is weak, depraved, and

He

he is to be made holy. He must put off the old man and put on the new, which is created after the image of God, in righteousness and true holiness. He must be transformed by the renewing of his mind. must lay aside conformity to the world. He is not to love the world, neither the things of the world. He must be sanctified, as well as justified, by Christ, and by him be clothed with that Christian character of which the features are humility, gentleness, mercy, poverty of spirit, purity of heart, hungering and thirsting after righteousness. What a task! left to himself, vainly will the sinner attempt to fulfil it. Far from advancing in the narrow way, he will return to the path of destruction. But Jesus Christ is with him, as he was with the man sick of the palsy. He trusts neither in his own wisdom, nor in his own strength, but in the promises of his Lord. He knows that his Saviour has enough of goodness and of power to bring him out of the sepulchre of sin, and he strives manfully in reliance on him who is mighty to save. He lifts up his heart to him, in temptation, and makes proof that in his weakness the strength of the Lord is made manifest. He often falls. He finds in himself a law, warring against the law of his mind. But every failure is to him a lesson of humility, of repentance, of dependence on the mercy of God in Christ, of watchfulness, and of prayer. Thus his hatred to sin increases in proportion as he feels how much it is opposed to the glory of God and to the Christian calling ; and he labours to separate himself from it more and more. Upheld by his master, he advances in the way; he combats with determination and without relaxation. Notwithstanding much weakness, he lives holily in the midst of a world sunk in sin. He fixes his affection on things which are above, in the midst of a world immersed in those which perish. He lives for his God, his Saviour, eternity, in the midst of a world for which God, the Saviour, and eternity, are but words. Thus Jesus Christ, his strength and his life, raises him above all that destroys the sinner in whose heart the Saviour does not dwell. Thus his soul lives the true life, that for which it was created. Thus it resumes the image of God; it is secured in the fellowship of its Saviour; it is preparing for eternal life.'

The Sermons are twelve in number, on the following topics: The infallible Fulfilment of the Words of Jesus Christ-Domestic Worship-The Joy of Angels at the Conversion of a SinnerChrist's Invitation to the Sinner-The Beneficence of Jesus Christ and the Lessons it inculcates-The Effect of what the World deems trivial Faults-Misconception concerning the Duty of partaking of the Lord's Supper-Frequent Communion-The Depravity of human nature-Jesus Christ in Gethsemane-Illusions which hinder practical Obedience to the Word-Redemp

tion.

A respectable list of subscribers is prefixed.

Art. IV. 1. Lettres à M. le Duc de Blacas D'Aulps, Premièr Gentilhomme de la Chambre, Pair de France, &c. Relatives au Musée Royal Egyptien de Turin. Par M. Champollion le Jeune. Premiére Lettre. Monuments Historiques. Royal 8vo. pp. 110. Paris, 1824.

2. Lettres à M. le Duc de Blacas D'Aulps, &c. Seconde Lettre. Suite des Monumens Historiques, par M. Champollion le jeune; Suite de la Notice Chronologique des Dynasties Egyptiennes de Manethon, par M. Champollion-Figeac. Royal 8vo. pp. 168. Planches, (4to.) Paris, 1826.

W E have already submitted to our readers an account of two of M. Champollion's former publications on the mysterious and long-neglected subject of Egyptian Hieroglyphics, in which he gave us the result of his examination of the statues, sarcophagi, and mummies, monkeys, cats, crocodiles, and beetles, and other Egyptian lumber in the Museum of Paris. * We now proceed to notice the subsequent archæological achievements of this most persevering and intelligent inquirer, as detailed in two letters relating to the historical monuments in the Royal Egyptian Museum of Turin.

In the opening paragraphs of the first letter, the grateful Author pays a well-merited compliment to the King of France (Louis XVIII), for the enlightened patronage with which he had honoured his Egyptian researches ; next, to M. le Duc, for being actuated towards him by sentiments similar to those of his Majesty; and thirdly, to un ministre' (Visc. Chateaubriand ?) for having honoured the memory of the Pharaohs by transports of the noblest enthusiasm upon the very soil of Egypt.' He deplores the unlucky events-most lucky, we apprehend, they would be deemed by his royal or noble patrons-that compelled the French Government to restore to their rightful owners, the works of art which the rapacity of its revolutionary chief had most illicitly assembled in the gallery of the Louvre. He then informs us, that the collection of which he is about to give an account, is the result of the active researches of M. Drovetti during twenty consecutive years. He might have gone on to state, that the said M. Drovetti was the French Consul in Egypt of the Revolutionary Government; that, after he was turned out of office, he remained in the ancient land of the Pharaohs; and that having taken into his employ a number of individuals, he amassed, with their assistance, the splendid collection which he in due time brought to Europe, and sold to the King of Sardinia for the not inconsiderable sum of 400,000

See Eclect. Rev. Vol. XX. p. 481 (Dec. 1823); and Vol. XXII. p. 330. (Oct. 1824.)

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