From The Saturday Review. ERMANY AND EUROPE.

THE success with which Germany has opened the campaign has naturally given rise to speculations and suggestions of every possible kind as to the consequences, remote or immediate, of Germany establishing an incontestable superiority over France. The French Journal Officiel had even gone so far as to publish a manifesto, addressed to all the nations of Europe, showing how very dangerous to each might be the triumph of so unscrupulous and rapacious a Power as Germany. While there is yet time to give effectual aid, the Journal Officiel entreats the countries now neutral to stand by France, the champion cf European independence. What is asked is, in plain lan

six or eight years, either to be prepared for strengthen their bodies by various exercises. his first examination at the University or to But for this reason, we require the more obtain a general education for all purposes reading, and learning, and studying in our of life. The boy leaves his home at half- schools. past eight in the morning, and won't return till ha'f-past three; during six hours he has been sitting quietly listening to his master's explanations, only with a few minutes intervals between the different lectures, and as soon as he has finished his dinner he has to get his books out and begin to prepare for the next day, which takes nearly all his time till tea, after which he goes to bed. And so he goes on day after day, year after year, till his sixteenth or seventeeth year, or even later. This system is very different from yours; both have their advantages, both have their great faults. The first thing you look after, when a boy comes home from the college for the holidays, is whether he looks strong and healthy, and has good manners. The first question you make him is, How he is getting on with his boating or cricketing? how he can pull his oar? what prospect he has to be one of the eleven at the next cricket-match? there will always later be an opportunity to examine his prog-guage, that Western Europe should form a ress in classics and mathematics. With us the first question to a boy who returns from his school in Copenhagen, or another town, to his parents in the country would be; "How did you pass the examination? which number did you get in the new class? how are you getting on with the German exercises, with the mathematics, with the Hebrew language?-by-and-by there will always be an opportunity to examine his manners and principles. There is a great difference of our views in this respect. You want your boys to learn in their schools and at their colleges to be active and energetic men, with noble principles, and thoroughly gentlemanly in their manners and behaviour; therefore is reading and great learning not your first object in sending your boys to a good school. You want them to receive a general fundamental knowledge on which they can build when they, later in life, require some peculiar special knowledge; but you desire, before all, that your boys shall learn very early to have their body in their power, to strengthen their muscles, to be light in all their movements, to rely on their manly strength, and feel up to any arduous undertaking, and independent of everybody at the same time, when they learn to submit to a stronger will and to respect old traditions. We don't want anything from our schools but learning; it is left to the parents to educate their boys, to give them good manners and proper behaviour, to do their best, when there is an opportunity, to

coalition, not against France, but in her favour. Perhaps no effect of the reverses the French army has sustained is more curious than this. Here is the organ of the French Government, within a month of a war undertaken in lightness of heart to teach the Prussians manners and to show the world the prowess of the French army, crying out in hopeless panic to the world that these Prussians are too great and strong for any Power to contend against, and that all who want to be safe from them must unite to put them down. The Germans inspire the officials of the Third Napoleon with something of the same terror with which the vast ambition and colossal strength of the First Napoleon inspired the Courts and peoples in his neighbourhood. A vision is conjured up of a German Empire making the Baltic a German lake. The expression which the French have on their own behalf delighted so much to apply to the Mediterranean is to be applied by the Germans, in their horrible presumption, to the sea that washes their northern shores. But this would never content the Emperor of Germany, for the French mind perceives that this would be the new title of the King of Prussia; and while it is the most harmless and natural thing in the world that France should have an Emperor, it reveals an almost superhuman insolence in the Germans that they also should have an Emperor to rule over them. The whole tone of the Journal Officiel in this respect

is perfectly artless and sincere, and is thoroughly French. That France should domineer over her neighbours is quite in keeping with the proper order of things, and can give offence to no one. But that Germany should talk as France has been in the habit of talking, and should act as France has boasted of wishing and intending to act, is truly awful. There is no end to the dreadful fancies that such a thought suggests. The Emperor of Germany will want Holland, he will want Venice, he will want Trieste. He will bargain with Russia, and in return for ample compensation will plant the Czar at Constantinople. He will in fact play the part which Napoleon played with so much relish at Tilsit. To prevent such a catastrophe France asks for aid from those who would most suffer at the hands of a too triumphant Germany; and it may perhaps be worth while for the neutral nations to ask themselves how far these fears are imaginary, and whether, if the Germans succeeded in inflicting further defeats on France, the interests of European peace would be seriously endangered.

should learn the lesson it so much needed, that it must leave Germany alone. But will the Germans be content to be left alone, or will they use their victories, if they continue to win them, in a spirit of arrogance and insolence, and so as to menace Europe? The French say that they will, and they have, it appears, not only said this in a general way, but they have pressed some neutral States, and more particularly Austria, Italy, and Denmark, with the argument that to join France promptly and openly is their last chance of independence. Would a wise Austrian or Italian admit the force of this argument, or not? Is the success of Germany a danger to Europe? Of all the political questions of the day, this is perhaps the one it is most desirable to answer aright. No prudent person would give other than a guarded answer. Success quickly corrupts the heart of man, and no one can speak positively as to the effect on Germany of finding itself quickly and indisputably victorious. But, so far as it is possible to form an opinion now, it may be said that the Journal Officiel is wrong, and that its error consists in speaking of Germans as if they were Frenchmen. Everything tends to show that all the Germans want is Germany for the Germans. They do not want to dictate to their neighbours, or to take the territory of their neighbours, or to incorporate aliens such as Belgians and Dutchmen in Germany. They only ask that Germany may be left altogether alone, to manage its own concerns, and to bind together its several parts in that degree and kind of unity which may best suit them.

It is impossible for us in England to regard Europe from the same point of view in which the French regard it. To us the strength and power of Germany have a value which the French, against whom we wish they should be in some measure directed, cannot be expected to appreciate. It is for the great good of Europe, and, as we believe, to the real advantage of France itself, that there should be a neighbour to France strong enough and resolute enough to ease France of something of its restless ambition, its tall talk, and its tendency to No one can speak confidently as to the relieve the weariness of its home politics effects of military success on a people; but by interfering with every one outside its there is at any rate a very strong presumpborders. A nation that is a prey to revolu- tion against the notion that Germany will tions, to adventurers, and to military des- become an aggressive Power. That Count potism, and that avowedly looks on war as Bismark has often talked as if he would a last stake which its gamblers throw when readily consent to see small States like they are hard pressed, is a constant source Belgium sacrificed in order to carry out the of peril to Europe. It is not wholesome projects of great Powers like France and for Europe that there should be in it a Prussia is doubtless true. But it must be country the Prime Minister of which rushes remembered that none of the projects of into a totally unjustifiable war with light- Count Bismark with regard to foreign naness of heart. When we have said thus tions have ever attained anything like defimuch we have said all that we have to say niteness, nor have they ever received the against France. That France should be sanction of the King. The difference bereally humiliated, crippled, and powerless, tween France and Germany in this respect would be a state of things in every way de- is very striking. It is the head of France plorable and very unwelcome to England. who for years has been striving to tear up The French have forced on the war, and old treaties, and to propagate new ideas, they must take the chances of the war they very often to the great advantage of the have provoked; but France bleeding and world. It is not in his hour of misfortune prostrate is a spectacle which Englishmen that we ought to forget that Italy owes its will regard with the most unfeigned reluc- very existence to the Emperor of the tance. All that is wanted is that France French. But still he has been plotting

aside as if you were of no consequence; and took your middle and lower class along this to you, who won the last great Euro- with it, and used them in its own way, and pean war, and made the treaties of Vienna! it made the great war which the battle of The time, you think, has clearly come Waterloo crowned. But countries must when you must make a demonstration. outgrow a feudal organization, and the Your popular veteran, Lord Russell, de- political command of an aristocracy; your clares amid universal applause that it is country has outgrown it. Your aristoconly the doubt that has long prevailed as racy tells upon England socially; by all the to the course which England would take power of example of a class high-placed, that has encouraged and fostered all these rich, idle, self-indulgent, without mental projects of treaty, these combinations and life, it teaches your Philistines how to live intrigues. You have but to speak plainly, fast. But it no longer rules; at most it but and all will be well. Your great organ, the administers; the Philistines rule. That Times, not satisfied with itself conveying to makes the difference between Lord Grenother Powers in the most magnificent man-ville and Lord Granville. When Lord ner (a duty, to do it justice, it always ful- Grenville had to speak to Europe in 1793, fils)"what England believes to be due he had behind him your aristocracy, not infrom and to her," keeps exhorting your deed fused with your middle and lower Government to do the same, and to speak some brave words, and to speak them "with promptitude and energy."

class, but wielding them and using their force; and all the world knew what your aristocracy meant, for they knew it themselves. But Lord Granville has behind him, when he speaks to Europe in 1870, your Philistines or middle class; and how should the world know, or much care, what your middle class mean? for they do not know it themselves.

I suppose your Government will do so. But forgive me if I tell you that to us disrespectful foreigners it makes very little difference in our estimate of you and of the future whether your Government does so or not. What gives the sense and significance to a Government's declarations is the pow- You may be mortified, but such is the er which is behind the Government. And truth. To be consequent and powerful, men what is the power which is behind the Gov-must be bottomed on some vital idea or senernment of England at the present epoch? timent, which lends strength and certainty The Philistines. to their action. Your aristocracy of sevenSimply and solely the Philistines, my ty years ago had the sentiment of the greatdear friend, take my word for it! No, you ness of the old aristocratical England, and will say, it is the nation. Pardon me, you that sentiment gave them force to endure have no nation. France is fused into one labours, anxiety, danger, disappointment, nation by the military spirit, and by her loss, restrictions of liberty. Your ruling democracy, the great legacy of 1789, and middle class has no such foundation; hence subsisting even amidst her present corrup-its imbecility. It would tell you it believes tion. Germany is fused into one nation by in industrial development and liberty. Exher idea of union and of the elevation of amine what it means by these, and you find her whole people through culture. You it means getting rich and not being medare made up, as I have often told you dled with. And these it imagines to be through my poor disciple whom you so well self-acting powers for good and agents of know, of three distinct and unfused bodies greatness; so that if more trade is done in Barbarians, Philistines, Populace. You England than anywhere else, if your percall them aristocracy, middle, and lower sonal independence is without a check, and class. One of these three must be predom- your newspaper publicity unbounded, your inant and lead. Your lower class counts Philistines think they are by the nature of as yet for little or nothing. There is things great, powerful, and admirable, and among them a small body of workmen with that their England has only to speak with modern ideas, ideas of organization, who promptitude and energy "in order to premay be a nucleus for the future; there are vail. more of them Philistines in a small way, My dear friend, do not be misled by that Philistines in embryo; but most of them magnificent Times of yours; it is not the are mere populace, or, to use your own failing to speak with promptitude and kindly term, residuum. Such a class does energy" which injures you, it is the holding not lead. Formerly your aristocracy led; your notions in this mechanical fashion. it commanded the politics of the country; Your ruling middle class have no great, it had an aristocracy's ideas — limited seriously and truly conceived end, thereenough but the idea of the country's fore no greatness of soul or mind, therefore grandeur and dignity was among them; it no stedfastness and power in great affairs.

the Denmark case there was no want of brave words; no failure to speak out with promptitude and energy. And we all know what came of it. Unique British Philistine! Is he most to be revered when he makes his wars or when he threatens them? And at the prompting of this great backer Lord Granville is now to speak! Probably he will have, as the French say, to execute himself; only do not suppose that we are under any delusion as to the sort of force he has behind him.

While you are thus, in great affairs you do the British Philistine and his newspaper and must fumble. You imagine that your have the whole merit of it. In your socia words must have weight with us because gatherings I know you have the habit of you are very rich and have unbounded assuring one another that in some mysteriliberty and publicity; you will find your-ous way the Russian war did you much selves mistaken, and you will be bewildered. good in the eyes of Europe. Undeceive Then you get involved in war, and you im- yourselves; it did you nothing but harm, agine that you cannot but make war well and Lord Granville is far too clever a man by dint of being so very rich; that you will not to know it. Then, in the Denmark just add a penny or two to your income tax, quarrel, your Philistines did not make war, change none of your ways, have unrestrict-indeed, but they threatened it. Surely in ed independence, legions of newspaper correspondents, boundless publicity, and thus, at a grand high pressure of expenditure, bustle, and excitement, arrive at a happy and triumphant result. But authority and victory over people who are in earnest means being in earnest oneself, and your Philistines are not in earnest; they have no idea great enough to make them so. They want to be important and authoritative; they want to enforce peace and curb the ambitious; they want to drive a roaring trade; they want to know and criticise all My dear friend, I think I am writing to that is being done; they want no restric- you for the last time, and by the love I bear tions on their personal liberty, no interfer- to the England of your past literature and ence with their usual way of going on; they history I do exhort your Philistine middle want all these incompatible things equally class, which is now England, to get, as I and at once, because they have no idea deep say, Geist; to search, and not to rest and strong enough to subordinate everything till it sees things more as they really are, else to itself. A newspaper correspond- and how little of a power over things as ent of your own wrote from Berlin the other they really are is its money making, or its day,The complete control of this people unrestricted independence, or its newspaper by the State is most striking." How would publicity, or its Dissent, or any of the your Philistines like that? Not at all. But things with which it is now most taken; and it is by sacrifices of this kind that success how its newspapers deceive it when they in great affairs is achieved; and when your tell it night and day that, being what it is, Philistines find this out, or find that a and having the objects it has, it commands raised income tax, newspaper correspond- the envy and deference of the world, and is ents everywhere, and a generally animated on the sure road to greatness and happistate of the public mind, are not enough to ness, if indeed it be not already arrived command success, they will be still more there. My dear friend, I have told you bewildered. our German programme - the elevation of a whole people through culture. That need not be your English programme, but surely you may have some better programme than this your present one- the beatification of a whole people through claptrap.

And this is the power which Lord Granville has behind him, and which is to give the force and meaning to his words. Poor Lord Granville! I imagine he is under no illusions, he knows the British Philistine, with his likes and dislikes, his effusion and confusion, his hot and cold fits, his want of dignity and of the stedfastness which comes from dignity, his want of ideas, and of the stedfastness which comes from ideas; he has seen him at work already. He has seen the Russian war and the Russian peace; a war and peace your aristocracy did not make and never would have made

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And now, my dear friend, it is time for me to go, and to what fate I go I know not; but this I know, that your country, where I have lived so long and seen so much, is on its way either to a great transformation or to a great disaster. Your sincere wellwisher,

VON THUNDER-TEN-TRONCKH. Chequer-alley, Monday afternoon.