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storing to the king and the country the power of calling another man, or other men, to the public service whenever circumstances might require a change. So this motion is suspended sine die. And thus, after stirring once and again this important question, they are bewildered what to do with it: on the one hand, the absence of Sir John Hobhouse presses upon them the necessity of doing something towards restoring to the crown some weight in the choice of its ministers ; on the other hand, the presence of Sir Robert Peel-his great and unbalanced weight even in their devoted House of Commons-terrifies them from anything which might facilitate a change, which they feel to be certain, whenever it may be practicable.

They hesitate—from no sense of shame that Whigs should propose the repeal of an act which Whigs have for above a century lauded as second only in popular importance to the Bill of Rights -- from no shame that the first parliamentary regulation after the Reform Bill should be an avowal of its impracticability-no; for the very notice has sufficiently made both those, to them most humiliating, confessions. But what care they for humiliation as long as they can keep their places ? So they submit to the humiliation of having this suspended notice, crying peccuvi, on the order-book of the Reformed House of Commons; with the additional mortification of knowing that everybody appreciates the mean and mercenary motives which keep them, like the schoolman's ass, in this ridiculous dilemma.

Ridiculous to them--fearful to the country. The constitution says the king shall have the power of choosing his ministers—the Reform Bill and the Press, and the example of Westminster, say NO; the people, and the people alone, shall choose the ministers of the crown. Then a remedy is proposed, which is found impracticable and insufficient as soon as announced ; another is then propounded, which they are afraid

to adopt; and so the constitution is at a dead lock. With Sir Robert Heron's notice the most pressing political arrangements are suspended; and when death or accident makes an inevitable vacancy, the question is no longer the parliamentary talents--the personal integrity—the public services of the candidate--but whether he can secure his re-election! With this practical proof that the constitution has been changed in one of its most essential points, we hardly need the evidence of that sapient seer, Lord John Russell, that the bill of last year was a · Revolution.'

Can such a state of things go on? Can the national interests be safe under such a system? The notice-book records the answer of the ministers themselves --No; and the whole country re-echoes that answer. Then what is to be done ?—they know not. What their own personal interests would prompt, they cannot, and what the public good requires, they will not,mperhaps they dare not do! They are caught in their own trap, and are the first victims of their own short-sighted perfidy,


Nec est lex justior ullâ

Quam necis artificis arte perire sua.' But alas ! the danger is not theirs alone--it is ours-it is the nation's; and when we look at all that is passing around us, we cannot but fear that the Movement Press is right, which boldly and candidly tells us, that nothing but a complete, avowed, and radical Revolution can solve the otherwise inextricable embarrassa ments in which the bewildered ministry and their impracticable system has involved all the constitutional powers of the state.

We live in times that will be history ;-events are in progress, the enormous magnitude of which is concealed from us by our very proximity; those who stand at a distance see them better: and every European and American publication, from whatever parties they emanate, and whether they hail or deplore it, all admit the fact, that we are in a state of Revolution ! Our children too will see clearly the progress of our ruin, and will wonder how any man amongst us could have been blind to it. Let those, at least, who are not blind, vindicate themselves in the eyes of the European world and of posterity. Those whose order in the state, and whose position in society impose any duties of interference, are invested as they are but too well aware—with a most painful responsibility,-if they acquiesce, they will be accused of helping on the ruin; if they resist, they will be charged with creating it. Hear what a writer, one of the most moderate of his class, is not ashamed to advance :

• Probably the overthrow of our institutions is not so eertain through the agency of the Radicals, as it is by that of the Conserva. tives. Indeed the former would be rendered innocuous by the adoption of remedial measures which are strenuously denied by the latter, who thus furnish the elements of mischief.'— Reflections on Foreign and Domestic Policy, p. 209.

So, though the Radical aims at the overthrow of our institutions,' his intentions are only remedial, and if accomplished would become innocuous ; and those who would resist this remedial and innocuous ó overthrow of our institutions are the very persons who accomplish it; and are accordingly in the deepest degree criminal, if, by their agency, shall be brought about what is remedial and innocuous. This is true revolutionary logic. So the guilt of the 10th of August was on those who resisted the cut-throats who attacked them ;--so Buonaparte would have held Palafox responsible for the thousands of lives lost in Saragossa, because he 2 P 2


was rash enough to oppose an invasion which would otherwise have been quite innocuous ; '—so it was the Police, and not the National Conventionalists, that created the Calthorpe-street riots, -so, when a robber blows out the brains of the


who will not quietly deliver his purse, it is not he, but the victim, who is, in foro radicali conscientiæ, the murderer.

Yes, for all this the Conservatives inust be prepared. If the bishops exert a right which the law and the constitution give them ---they shall be slandered in the lowest places, and rebuked in the highest—and shall moreover forfeit that right-unless they will engage never again to exercise it. The Commons will admit the House of Lords to be a power in the state, but on the express condition that it shall have no power whatsoever; and the King shall continue in the undisturbed privilege of naming his ministers, as long as he shall choose no one whom a body of 101. householders may not approve; and if any of these parties should be so blindly obstinate as to object to being thus made nonentities, they, and they alone, shall be responsible for the state of non-entity to which they may be reduced !

For all this, and for more, we repeat, the Conservatives must be prepared-but the knowledge of their danger should only make their course the more steady—they must be at once firm and conciliatory—not seeking, rather avoiding the exercise of extreme rights—but, on the other hand, abandoning no great principle, and trafficking with no question of conscience. They, perhaps, cannot promise themselves immediate success, but they may be assured that they will be thus laying the foundation of a certain return to a better order of things, when either suffering or good sense shall bring back the people to a true notion of their own interests, and to some respect for the ancient institutions to which thev have so long owed all their happiness and all their glory.






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ABERNETHY, John, his description of deli- Bacchylides, account of, and of his writings,
rium, 376.

Absenteeism, Professor M'Culloch's pa- Baillie, Dr. Matthew, Sir Henry Halford's
radox concerning, exposed, 148.

tribute to the memory of, 198.
Absentees, English, 149.

Bajazet, explanation of ihe iron cage' in
- Irish, 148.

which he was imprisoned after the battle
Adelung, translation of his 'Sketch of San- of Angora, 295.
scrit Literature,'321.

Beaufort, Cardinal, death-bed of, 176.
Aims and Ends; and Oonagh Lynch: by Beaumont and Fletcher, 14.

the author of 'Carwell. See Novels of Beer-shops, mischievous tendency of, 78.
Fashionable Life.

Boswell, James, Esq., his portrait by Mad.
Albigenses, their intolerance of the pastime d'Arblay, 112.
of dancing, 61.

Bland, Rev. Robert, his Collections from
Alcaic stanza, Mr. Hawtrey's directions in the Greek Anthology.' See Greek Lyric
the construction of the, 364.

Alcæus, account of, and of his writings, Brissot, Warville de, his character as

drawn by M. Dumont, 172.
Alemæon, account of, and of his writings, Burke, Right Hon. Edmund, anecdotes of,

101, 122, 123.
Algiers, policy of England towards, 523. Burney, Dr., Memoirs of, arranged from
Amaltheus, Cornelius, 250.

his Manuscripts, from Family Papers,
Girolamo, epigrani by, 249. and from Personal Recollections; by
Americans, superiority of iheir steam-boats his Daughter Madame d'Arblay, 97 —
in point of speed, 212-their unfounded

literary character of ihe work, ib.-sup-
pretensions to the invention of the steam-

pression of the doctor's autobiography,
boat, 213.

ib.-specimens of Madame d'Arblay's
Anacreon, account of, and of his writings, style, 98–Dr. Burney's birth and edu-

371-inquiry into the genuineness of cation, 99-becomes pupil of Dr. Arne,
the odes attributed to, 374.

ib.—and domesticated in the family of
Animals, cruelty to, necessity of a law for Mr. Fulke Greville, ib.-his imprudent
punishing, 81.

marriage, ib.-becomes organist at Lyon,
Apollo Belvidere, 101.

100—and acquainted with Dr. Joho.
Archilochus, account of, and of his writings, son, ib.-removes to London, and gives

lessons in music, ib.-death of his wise,
Aretæus, prophetic powers attributed by, ib.-visits Paris, 101-translates and

to persons dying of peculiar maladies, 180. adapts Rousseau's ‘ Devin du Village,'
Aristotle, his Hymn to Virtue, 379.

ib.-his second marriage, 102-becomes
Ashley, Lord, bis exertions in behalf of the a doctor of music, 103—publishes“Essay
factory children, 81.

towards a History of Comets, ib. -
Atkinson, James, Esq., his translation from makes 'a musical tour' to France and

the Persian of Customs and Manners of Italy, ib.—and to Germany, ib.-put-
the Women of Persia, and their Domestic lishes his " History of Music,'-104-be-
Superstitions,' 512.

comes, through the friendship of Burke,


by, 5.

organist of Chelsea College, 104—his
death, 106—singular omissions in Mad.
d'Arblay's work, ib.—its real object, 107
-the authoress's first appearance in the
literary world, ib.-her Evelina,' 109
-her Cecilia' and 'Camilla,' 110-
age of the authoress, ib.-her Wan-
derer,'11l-causes of the bad taste and
style of these Memoirs, ib.-her portrait
of Boswell, 112–her anecdotes of Dr.
Johnson, 115-and last interview with,
117–her father's interview with George

III. and Queen Charlotte, 119.
Burton, his accurate description of mental

malady, 186, 187 - his account of Hip-
pocrates' visit to Democrilus, 188-
wrote his Anatoinie with a view of re-

lieving his own melancholy, ib.
Byron, Lord, 17—his 'Prophecy of Dante,'
449—his Francesca of Rimini,' 450-
bis 'Don Juan,' ib.

land, 207-consequences resulting from
the seizure of church property, 209–
claims of the Established Church to care

and protection, 211.
Church of England, great improvement in

the clergy of, 79.
Cibber, Colley, anecdote of Shirley, related
Coleridge, Hartley, Poems by, 517.
Clergy of the Church of England, great

improvement in, 79.
Collier, 2, 9.
Colman, George, Esq., his evidence before

the Commitee of the House of Commons
on the state of the laws affectiog dramatic

literature, 7.
Court ceremonies, unwise neglect of, 337.
Cowper, William, character of his mental

malady, 186—various modes of self-de-

structiou attempted by, 190.
Crabbe, Rev. George, his correct delinea-

tions of mental malady, 187—the most
searching of moral anatomists, and most
graphic of poets, 203—his patriotism in
lifting up the veil spread between the
upper classes and the working-day

world, ib.
Croker, Right Hon. John Wilson, his

‘Boswell' quoted, 47, 115, 251.
Cromwell, Oliver, his terror on the recital

of Shirley's stanzas on the fall of Charles

I., 11.
Cruelty to animals, necessity of a law for

punishing, 81.
Cunningham, Rev. Francis, obligations of

the Protestant cause to, 49-instrumental
in making the English reader acquainted
with Oberlin, ib.



Camille Desmoulins, 'attorney-general to

the lantern,' 41, 43.
Carwell, by Mrs. Sheridan, 229.
*Cary, Mr., his translation of Dante. See

Castlereagh, Lord, his character of the

Duke of Wellington, 333.
Cavendish,' one of the most vulgar and

witless of the sea.novels, 486.
Chabot, 37.
Chapman, 29.
Chaulnes, Duke de, account of, 104.
Chalmers, Thomas, D.D., 'On the Use and

Abuse of Literary and Ecclesiastical En-
dowments. See Church and the Land.

Charles X. of France, causes of his over-

throw, 170.
Chesney, Captain, his ' Reports to Govern.

ment on the Navigation of the Euphrates,'

212. See Steam-Navigation to India.
Chess, game of, 317.
Church and the Landlords, 198—ministerial

proposition for the confiscation of church
property in Ireland, ib.-suicidal con-
duct of the land-owners, 199—favourable
position of the clergyman of a parish for
bracing the upper and lower orders of
society together, 200—the clergy the
best outworks of the land-owners, 204-
benefits of established national
church, ib.-case of the two states of
Connecticut and Rhode Island, 205–
state in which the Dissenters would be
placed by the fall of the Church of Eng-

Dacre, Lady,' Recollections of a Chaperon,'

edited by. See Novels of Fashionable

D'Ancre, Maréchal, account of, 165.
Dante, the loferno of, translated by Ichabod

Charles Wright, 449— excellence of
Cary's translation of the Divine Comedy,
ib.-his version, from the measure, no
likeness of the original, ib.—failure of
the attempis to introduce the terza rima
as an English measure, ib.-Lord By-
ron's ' Prophecy of Dante' and · Fralje
cesca,'450-difficulties of executing the
translation of any long poem in rhyme,
ib.—the various readings of a true poet
an interesting and instructive study, 451
-Mr. Wright's new version of Dante
uncalled for, ib.—his great obligations to



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