his adversary's power as consul, would have laid upon his wicked designs, but likewise that of being prætor under those consuls, by whose connivance, at least, if not assistance, he hoped he should be able to betray the state into the mad schemes he had been forming; persuading himself, that, as they thought themselves under so great an obligation to him, they would have no inelination to oppose any of his attempts, even if they should have it in their power; and that if they were inclined to do it, they would, perhaps, be scarce able to control the most profligate of all men, who had been confirmed and hardened in his audaciousness, by a long series of villanies. Milo is so far from receiving any benefit from Clodius' death, that he is really a sufferer by it. But it may be said, that hatred prevailed, that anger and resentment urged him on, that he avenged his own wrongs and redressed his own grievances. Now, if all these particulars may be applied, not merely with greater propriety to Clo dius than to Milo, but with the utmost propriety to the one, and not the least to the other; what more can you desire? For why should Milo bear any other hatred to Clodius, who furnished him with such a rich harvest of glory, bus that which every patriot must bear to all bad men? As to Clodius, he had motives enough for bearing ill will to Mile; first, as my protector and guardian; then, as the opposer of his mad schemes, and the controller of his armed force; and, lastly, as his accuser. Every circumstance, my Lords, concurs to prove, that it was for Milo's interest, Clodius should live; that, on the contrary, Milo's death was a most desirable event for answering the purposes of Clodius; that on the one side, there was a most implacable hatred; on the other, not the least; that the one had been continually employing himself in acts of violence, the other only in opposing them; that the life of Milo was threatened, and his death publiely foretold by Clodius; whereas nothing of that kind was ever heard from Milo; that the day fixed for Milo's journey, was well known by his adversary; while Milo knew not when Clodius was to return; that Milo's jourRey was necessary, but that of Clodius rather the contrary; that the one openly declared his intention of leaving Rome that day, while the other concealed his intention of returning; that Milo made no alteration in his measures, bat that Clodius feigned an excuse for altering his; that if Milo had designed to waylay Clodius, he would have waited for him near the eity, till it was dark; but that Clodius, even if he had been under no apprehensions from Milo, ought to have been afraid of coming to town so late at night. Let us now consider, whether the place where they encountered, was most favorable to Milo, or to Clodius.But can there, my Lords, be any room for doubt, or deliberation upon that? It was near the estate of Clodius, where at least a thousand able bodied men were employed in his mad schemes of building. Did Milo think he should have an advantage by attacking him from an eminence, and did he, for this reason, pitch upon that spot, for the engagement; or, was he not rather expected in that place. by his adversary, who hoped the situation would favor his assault? The thing, my Lords, speaks for itself, which must be allowed to be of the greatest importance in determining the question. Were the affair to be represented only by painting, instead of being expressed by words, it would even then clearly appear which was the traitor, and which was free from all mischievous designs; when the one was sitting in his chariot, muffled up in his cloak, and his wife along with him. Which of these circumstances was not a very great incumbrance ?-the dress, the chariot, or the companion? How could he be worse equipped for an engagement, when he was wrapped up in a cloak, embarrassed with a chariot, and almost fettered by his wife? Observe the other, now, in the first place, sallying out on a sudden from his seat: for what reason? In the evening, what urged him? Late, to what purpose, especially at that season? He calls at Pompey's seat; With what view? To see Pompey? He knew he was at Alsium: To see his house? He had been at it a thousand times. What, then, could be the reason of his loitering and shifting about? He wanted to be on the spot when Milo came up. But if, my Lords, you are not yet convinced, though the thing shines out with such strong and full evidence, that Milo returned to Rome with an innocent mind, unstained with guilt, undisturbed with fear, and free from the accusations of conscience; call to mind, I beseech you, by the immortal gods, the expedition with which he came back, his entrance into the forum while the senate house was in flames, the greatness of soul he discovered, the lock he assumed, the speech he made on the occasion. He deliv ered himself up. not only to the people, but even to the senate nor to the senate alone, but even to guards appointed for the public security; nor merely to them, but even to the authority of him whom the senate had entrusted with the care of the whole republic; to whom he never would have delivered himself, if he had not been coufident of the goodness of his cause. What now remains, but to beseech and adjure you, my Lords, to extend that compassion to a brave man, which he disdains to implore, but which 1, even against his consent, implore and earnestly intreat. Though you have not seen him shed a single tear, while all are weeping around him, though he has preserved the same steady countenance, the same firmness of voice and language, do not on this account withhold it from him. On you, on you I call, ye heroes, who have lost so much blood in the service of your country! To you, ye centurians, ye soldiers, I appeal, is this hour of danger to the best of men, and bravest of citizens! While you are looking on, while you stand here with arms in your hands, and guard this tribunal, shall virtue like this be expelled, exterminated, cast out with dishonor? By the immortal gods, I wish, (pardon me, O my country! for I fear, what I shall say out of a pious regard for Milo, may be deemed impiety against thee) that Clodius not only lived, but were prætor, consul, dictator, rather than be witness to such a scene as this. Shall this man, then, who was born to save his country, die any where but in his country? Shall he not, at least, die in the service of his country? Will you retain the memorials of his gallant soul, and deny his body a grave in Italy? Will any person give his voice for banishing a man from this city, whom every city on earth would be proud to receive within its walls? Happy the country that shall receive him! Ungrateful this, if it shall banish him! Wretched if it should lose him! But I must conclude-my tears will not allow me to proceed, and Milo forbids tears to be employed in his defence. You, my Lords, I beseech and adjure that, in your decision, you would dare to act as you think. Trust me, your fortitude, your justice, your fidelity, will more especially be approv ed of by him (Pompey) who, in his choice of judges, has raised to the bench, the bravest, the wisest, and the best of men. SECTION IV. SPEECHES ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS. I-Romulus to the People of Rome, after building the City." Fall the strength of cities lay in the height of their great reason to be in fear for that which we have now built. But are there in reality any walls too high to be scaled by a valiant enemy? And of what use are ramparts in intestine divisions? They may serve for a defence against sudden incursions from abroad; but it is by courage and prudence, chiefly, that the invasions of foreign enemies are repelled; and by unanimity, sobriety and jus tice, that domestic seditions are prevented. Cities fortified by the strongest bulwarks, have been often seen to yield to force from without, or to tumults from within.Au exact military discipline, and a steady observance of civil polity, are the surest barriers against these evils. But there is still another point of great importance to be considered. The prosperity of some rising colonies and the speedy ruin of others, have, in a great measure been owing to their form of government. Were there but one manner of ruling states and cities, that could make them happy, the choice would not be difficult. But I have learnt, that of the various forms of government among the Greeks and Barbarians, there are three which are highly extolled by those who have experienced them; and yet, that no one of these is in all respects perfect, but each of them has some innate and incurable defect. Choose you, then, in what manner this city shall be governed. Shall it be by one man? Shall it be by a select number of the wisest among us? Or shall the legislative power he in the people? As for me, I shall submit to whatever form of administration, you shall please to establish. As I think myself not unworthy to command, so neither am I unwil ling to obey. Your having chosen me to be the leader of this colony, and your calling the city after my name, are honors sufficient to content me; honors of which, living or dead, I can never be deprived. 11.-Hannibal to Scipio Africanus, at their Interview preceding the Battle of Zama. SINCE fate has so ordained it, that I, who began the war, and who have been so often on the point of ending it by a complete conquest, should now come of my own mo tion, to ask a peace-I am glad that it is of you, Scipio, I have the fortune to ask it. Nor will this be among the least of your glories, that Hannibal, victorious oyer so many Roman generals, submitted at last to you. I could wish that our fathers and we had confined our ambition within the limits which nature seems to have prescribed to it; the shores of Africa and the shores of Italy. The gods did not give us that mind. On both sides we have been so eager after foreign possessions, as to put our own to the hazard of war. Rome and Carthage have had, each in her turn, the enemy at her gates. But since errors past may be more easily blamed than corrected, let it now be the work of you and me to put an end, if possible, to the obstinate contention. For my own part, my years, and the experience I have had of the instability of fortune, incline me to leave nothing to her determination whick reason can decide. But much, I fear, Scipio, that your youth, your want of the like experience, your unin terrupted success, may render you averse from the thoughts of peace. He, whom fortune has never failed, rarely re flects upon her inconstancy Yet without recurring to former examples, my own may perhaps suffice to teach you moderation. I am the same Hinuibal, who after my victory at Canne, became master of the greatest part of your country, and deliberated with myself what fate I should decree to Italy and Rome. And now--see the change! Here, in Africa, I am come to treat with a Roman, for my own preservation and my country's. Such are the sports of fortune. Is she then to be trusted because she smiles? An advantageous peace is preferable to the hope of victory. The one is in your own power, the other at the pleasure of the gods Should you prove victorious, it would add little to your own glory, or the glory of your country; if vanquised, you lose in one hour, all the honor and reputation you have been so many years acquiring. But what is my aim in all this? That you should content yourself with our cession of Spain, Sicily, Sardinja, and all Islands between Italy and Africa. A peace on these conditions, will, in my opinion, not only secure the |