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kindergarten takes the child just at the completion of its period of most rapid growth in brain weight, and keeps him until the maximum is almost attained, is a significant one.

These are merely illustrations of the fact that the conditions of child life cannot be measured in terms of adult standards. If growth were regular and proportional in each part for each year, we might state the child in adult terms, but all of our factors are variable. Yet our curricula of studies, both in school and kindergarten, set up these adult standards by which to measure the child's progressive development, as tho growth were something to be measured by regular periods of time. On the contrary, growth is by fits and starts, as it were, with periods of very rapid rate followed by resting periods.

To cite another important illustration of the uselessness of judging the child by adult standards, the matter of sex is striking. The adult is sexed, and, physiologically or psychologically, no treatment of the adult can be exact unless we specify the sex; but the child, until the age of ten or eleven, is practically without sex. The difference in the size of the sexes, in their rates of growth, their instincts, impulses, interests, physical and mental traits, etc., is so slight and immaterial as to justify no separate consideration of them either in theory or practice. Yet, after the age of ten or eleven years, the sex changes are so enormous, both physically and mentally, that the sexes can no longer be classed together in any description; and our system of giving them both the same course of instruction is rendered extremely questionable.

There is another important distinction between the child and the adult, or even adolescent. The adult has, to some extent at least, possibilities of original deviation from the habits of ancestry; the child is the slave of ancestry. His movements, his plays, his games, his instincts, his fears, his methods of thought and action, all bear the indelible stamp of hereditary control, and are all fairly well in the middle of the welltraveled road of race evolution. As the creek, confined to the deep-worn gorges in the mountains where it originates, nevertheless, upon issuing forth finally upon the plains, finds it easy to change its channel bed, so the human being, in its earlier stages of development, is more determined by hereditary influences, until in adolescence it comes to the open plain where originality is more possible. In the growth of the nervous system we find this law well demonstrated. The structures which mature first are those which are oldest in race evolution. Those which are most recent, and consequently are more pliable and subject to modification, mature later. The time at which a structure controlling a given movement matures is determined by conditions which are internal, and, in the case of the activities which appear in childhood, are less subject to modification by external environment than in the case of those which mature in adolescence. The forms of movements and exercises which are oldest racially are also determined by internal law, and are little susceptible to modification.

Education of the adolescent may include the idea, to some extent, of teaching the individual something new to the race. Education of the kindergarten child can signify nothing more than at the proper time and in the form heredity has determined to reawaken into activity the structures of racial antiquity. The kindergarten child is still in the deepworn gorges which his ancestors for ages have trod. Originality is a virtue in adolescent education. In the kindergarten originality in the form of exercise, in the time of its application, which many of our systems of physical culture have attempted arbitrarily to introduce for reasons of æsthetic grace or theories of some systematic or orderly development, cannot be too severely condemned. With kindergarten children these are matters to be determined by internal laws of the nervous system. This hereditary order obeys no logical or æsthetic system. On the contrary, the order by which movements develop in childhood appears to the adult mind with a love of orderly system to be mere vagrant caprice. For example, the thumb movements, from a logical standpoint the most fundamental and elementary of the hand, develop several months later than those of the hand as a whole, because the ancestors of man did not use the thumb, and its movements are among the latest in a racial sense. The baby's two eyes tend at birth to move independently of each other, and only acquire perfect co-ordination in the course of some months, while the baby's two hands begin with such strong tendencies toward co-ordination that he must duplicate the movement of one by the other; in hand development the child grows from co-ordination toward independence, while the principle is reversed in the matter of eye movements. This paradoxical condition doubtless finds its explanation in the fact that in animal anc

ncestry the movements of the fore limbs ever have been co-ordinated, while the eyes, as a rule, have been more or less independent of each other. In human life the conditions have been reversed, and the individual repeats this history in his earlier stages.

This dependence of the order, form, and time in the development of movements upon the past habits in racial evolution is manifest everywhere in children's instinctive activities, and peremptorily forbids our 'artificial attempts to systematize movements upon any superficial theory of grace or logical order, or to introduce original departures from racial habit.

From this standpoint we come upon the principle of first importance, that the fundamental movements, i. e., those oldest in the race, and comprising largely those which are performed by the larger and more centrally located muscles, normally become functional before the accessory movements — those which came late into the race. Among the latter are those of accuracy, rapidity, and long and complex sequences of finger movements used in writing, sewing, weaving, etc. Spontaneously, children

of the kindergarten use only the fundamental movements, as the studies of Gulick, Miss Sisson, and others have shown, and as our careful daily observations of children's plays in the Santa Barbara kindergartens have corroborated. In so far as accuracy and rapidity of finger movements are concerned, the studies of Bryan and Gilbert show clearly that the nascent periods for these do not appear until after six or seven years. The child of six years, normally, has scarcely half the power for rapid finger movement that an adolescent of sixteen possesses, and accuracy of finger movements, such as writing requires, Dr. Bryan shows, reaches its nascent growth between six and eight. These considerations demand from the kindergarten the abolishment of all movements which are not fundamental and which seek to introduce delicate finger movements of any kind. Blackboard work instead of pencil and paper, and the abolition of drawing or other similar work which requires accurate line work, are essential.

But it by no means follows that, because we cannot arrange for the kindergarten child some system of orderly and systematic exercises, physical culture has no place in the kindergarten curriculum. The child's natural play certainly comes under pedagogic cognizance, not as a necessary nuisance to be put up with, but as an important instrument of education. But I think modern study bids us reverse some current notions we have entertained of play. Many have chosen some idea to present and then have constructed artificial plays arbitrarily to illustrate the idea. The modern view would, on the contrary, bid us take the child's instinctive play without alteration and let it lead and direct us. Darwin, Spencer, and the earlier biologists gave play a place of some theoretic importance when they ascribed to it the rudimentary place of representing the reawakening of the left-over activities of our primitive ancestors. But Karl Groos, in his recent monograms, while admitting that children's plays are rudimentary in origin, shows, nevertheless, that they have a preparatory function in stimulating the growth of those higher activities, mental as well as physical, which have proceeded in race history from the activities now represented by children's play. The large majority of young children's plays are those which the race once used in the practical business affairs of war and chase — those of pursuing, jumping, hiding, throwing, wrestling, etc. As in the race, so in the individual, they lead to higher activities and are essential links in the chain of education.

But in our selection and arrangement of plays for the kindergarten in the past we have been not altogether happy. The majority of the kindergarten games are socialistic in form, while modern study shows that the plays of children from four to six years are predominantly individualistic and the social tendency is minor. The social factor enters the child's life later than the kindergarten period. The play of children of three to five tends to be fragmentary physical exercises without plot or systein -- mere running, jumping, climbing, etc. However, the dramatic and imitative instinct early ripens, and the child tends to combine these fragments into crude plays representing actions he witnesses, and so we find that he loves to play riding horse, playing bear, wild Indians, policeman, etc. This representative tendency is the controlling interest from four to six, but the child imitates that which he literally sees, hears, or feels, and his natural play offers no basis for the abstractly symbolic game of the kindergarten. He sees no meaning in his game. He is an actor, not a philosopher. There is no legitimate place for the aesthetic, ethical, or utilitarian attachment we so frequently find hung upon the child's play. The child plays in obedience to physical impulses of his nervous system planted there by the habits of ancient ancestry which lived long before civilized morals, ethics, and modern utilities came upon the field of action. There are a time and place for them, but it is an artificial graft which attempts to attach these to the young child's play instincts.

While the kindergarten cannot invent plays for children, it nevertheless has an important function in guarding the child's right to play, and in providing the time and racial incentives — clean sand to roll and build in, big blocks to build with, space to run in, bushes to hide in, poles to climb, hammers, garden tools, swings, balls, horse reins, etc. The scanty twenty minutes usually allowed for the recess should be at least multiplied by two. The usual excuse offered, that the kindergarten games and calisthenic exercises take the place of natural, free play, is quite untenable. They are artificial exhibition exercises, and have, as shown, little in common with the hereditary forms of play of children of kindergarten age. Internal demands of the growing nervous and muscular systems require their racial forms of exercise, and natural instinct is the only guide we have for these exercises. Even in children of school age the experiments upon fatigue by Kraepelin, Kemsies, Wagner, and others, have shown that systematic gymnastics are more fatiguing mentally than regular school work and cannot be interpolated in school work as recuperative means.

DEPARTMENT OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION

SECRETARY'S MINUTES

FIRST SESSION. – THURSDAY, JULY 13, 1899

The meeting was called to order in Simpson Tabernacle by A. W. Plummer, of the Local Committee.

Dr. John W. Hall, of the State Normal School, Greeley, Colo., read a paper on “ The Claims of the Individual Pupil in Class Work.”

Miss Louise Hannum, Ph.D., Greeley, Colo., read a paper on “ The Culture-Epoch Theory in Education.”

The discussion was omitted until after the second paper was read.

President William N. Hailmann opened the discussion, and was followed by Dr. J.
H. Hoose, of California ; W. A. Bell, of Indiana; A. H. Collins, of Pasadena, Cal.; Dr.
J. W. Hall, Miss Hannum, and others.
A committee on nominations was appointed, consisting of:
W. A. Bell, Indianapolis, Ind.

A. H. Collins, Pasadena, Cal.
Esther Conway, Winchester, Ind.

SECOND SESSION.- FRIDAY, JULY 14 The meeting was opened by President William N. Hailmann, who delivered his address on "The Place and Development of Purpose in Education.”

Superintendent J. W. Dinsmore, of Beatrice, Neb., read a paper on “The Vices of Childhood and Youth."

An animated discussion followed. Among those taking part were Miss Frink, of California ; Professor J. W. Crabtree, of Nebraska; Professor J. W. Carr, of Indiana ; Mrs. Blanchard, of California; Harry S. Budd, Superintendent Dinsmore, and the president.

Superintendent J. W. Carr, of Anderson, Ind., introduced the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted :

WHEREAS, As a rule, the same persons are interested in the discussions of the Kindergarten Department, Elementary Department, and Child Study Department;

Resolved, That the president of the Elementary Department be requested to invite the co-operation of the presidents of the Kindergarten and Child Study Departments in arranging for one joint session at the meeting for 1900.

The Committee on Nominations submitted the following report, which was adopted :
For President - Miss N. Cropsey, Indianapolis, Ind.
For Vice-President - Superintendent J. W. Dinsmore, Beatrice, Neb.
For Secretary- Miss Bettie A. Dutton, Cleveland, 0,
The department then adjourned.

ESTHER CONWAY

Secretary

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