what is being attempted, and an entire change in the character of the council, in the measures which it stands for, might be very injurious, whereas if it took two elections to change the majority of the council, the people might decide more wisely, and decide better on the second election, and avoid mistakes in that way.

In regard to ward representation, the effect of it has been in a great many places that each member represents the particular needs of his ward, and he makes a bargain with the other members that if they will vote for his measure he will vote for theirs, without any reference to the character or the value of theirs, or on their part without any reference to the character or wisdom of his; and that is the only way that he can get things through for his ward; it is a matter of bargain and sale. That has been one of the most mischievous features of our legislative assemblies. MR. JOHN DAVIS, Detroit: I think that all these matters, such as having part of the council elected at a time, can be settled by the local government, the choice being made according to the thought of the people under the home-rule system. For our own city of Detriot we have found that two houses did not work well; that the upper house rather got into a rut and really performed no essential function in the government. We elect our council one-half one year and one-half the next, and we find that that conserves the interest of the city in a measure, and is also sufficiently desirable from the point of view of rotation. There is one seeming inconsistency in the last paper read, in claiming that it may be necessary to adopt all these provisions of the Program, and in the thought which has been persistently set forth here that it is not advisable to effectually enter in upon all these reforms at once. It seems to me that the real essence of this Program lies in nomination reform. Whether that provision which makes petition alone the way to nominate is wise is a question in my own mind which I would like to have settled, and would like information and enlightment upon, or whether a non-partisan primary would be the better form and means of obtaining proper candidates for office. Under the petition system it is just as possible for the ward-heelers, as they are called, to make the nomination as it is now. I believe that all primary schemes on a non-partisan basis provide for a petition previously, which gives publicity to the name of every one who expects to be a candidate for nomination, virtually making three elections, the petition, the primaries, and the subsequent election. If the petition rule will effect the whole remedy, that is the one to adopt, but I am not clear in my own mind that it will.

CHAIRMAN: Before closing the session I have two communications which have been presented to the League, the first from Denver, Colorado, inviting us to hold our convention there.

It is as follows:

DENVER, COLORADO, September 8, 1900.

Mr. Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Secretary, National Municipal League. The Civic Federation of Denver, appreciating the honor of affiliation with the National Municipal League and having derived inspiration from its published reports, most heartily extends an invitation to the League to meet in Denver in 1901.

The bluest skies, the clearest atmosphere, and an unsurpassed view of the Rocky Mountains, are among the attractions of the city, while the numerous railroads place the visitor in close touch with the mines that help to make the Centennial state famous.

The Federation promises to make the sojourn of the League as enjoyable an occasion as possible if this invitation is accepted.

ISABELLA M. STECK,

Secretary.

THE CHAIRMAN: I have taken great pleasure in reading this letter, and I suggest that it be referred to the Executive Committee, as that body has the somewhat invidious task imposed upon it by the By-Laws and from the practice of the League of passing upon conflicting claims of various hospitable localities.

The communication was referred to Executive Committee.

THE CHAIRMAN: The second communication is the report of the Auditing Committee, which is as follows:

MILWAUKEE, WIS., September 20, 1900.

To the President and Members of National Municipal League.

GENTLEMEN :-We the undersigned committee chosen to audit the accounts of the Secretary and Treasurer of this League, beg leave to report that, after an examination of same, we find everything correct and the receipts and expenditures are properly reported.

We further recommend that the suggestion of the Treasurer regarding some compensation to our very able and untiring Secretary be adopted, and that the League at this Convention or through its Executive Committee fixes a salary for the Secretary at least to some degree commensurate with the extraordinarily able and unselfish services rendered to the National Municipal League.

Respectfully submitted,

FRED. TUKE,
CLARENCE S. PALMER,
Committee.

THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary has obtained an injunction preventing me from reading that portion of the report which refers to his office, and as I am a believer in government by injunction, of course I obey the mandate. I nevertheless suggest that this portion of the report, in the recommendation with which I most cordially agree, be referred also to the

Executive Committee, which has the further duty imposed upon it of finding ways and means, so far as it can, of giving effect to the liberal and charitable as well as just suggestions of the members of the League.

MR. MONROE: I move that the report auditing the accounts be accepted, and that the recommendations of the Auditing Committee be referred to the Executive Committee.

The motion, duly seconded, was carried.

An adjournment was then taken to 2.30 p. m.

HOTEL PFISTER. September 20, 1900, 2.30 p. m.

The meeting was called to order by the Vice-President, MR. CHARLES RICHARDSON.

CHAIRMAN: I am sorry to interrupt so many interesting conversations, and I am sorry that I cannot ask all who are with us this afternoon to take seats, as there does not seem to be seats enough. Our program this afternoon includes an address on "The Influence of Public Service Companies on City Government,” by Rev. Dr. Washington Gladden, of Columbus, a member of the Columbus City Council, also a paper on "The Government of the City of Glasgow," by the Rev. Albert Lazenby, of Chicago, recently of Glasgow, and a paper on the "Representation of Different City Interests in the Council," by the Hon. William Dudley Foulke, of Richmond, Ind. I think that you will find that the program from beginning to end this afternoon is one of very unusual interest.

I now have the great pleasure of introducing one who really needs no introduction, the Rev. Dr. Washington Gladden, of Columbus.

Dr. Gladden read his paper on "The Influence of Public Service Companies on City Government." (See Appendix.)

THE CHAIRMAN: Mr. Lazenby, will now read his paper.

Mr. Lazenby read his paper on "The Government of the City of Glasgow." (See Appendix.)

THE CHAIRMAN: I take pleasure in introducing the next speaker, Mr. Foulke.

MR. FOULKE: It was said of the papers this morning that they were of such a character that we all agreed with them, and they awakened very little discussion. Now I am quite sure that in some propositions which I shall submit to you this afternoon there will be substantial disagreement; indeed, some of the remarks made in the morning session indicate it, but perhaps on that account the suggestions will not be the less valuable.

Mr. Foulke then read his paper on the "Representation of Different City Interests in the Council." (See Appendix.)

A letter from Archbishop Ryan, of Philadelphia, regretting his inability to attend, was read by the Secretary.

Adjourned to 10.30 a. m., same place, Friday, September 21, 1900.

ATHENÆUM, MILWAUKEE, WIS. Thursday, September 20, 1900, 8 a. m. Proceedings at the reception to delegates by the ladies of the Milwaukee College Endowment Association, GENERAL CHARLES KING presiding.

GENERAL KING: Ladies and Gentlemen.-It was the unanimous wish of the Endowment Association that not only they themselves but their guests to-night should have opportunity to hear some of the distinguished gentlemen who have honored Milwaukee with their presence at this important convention of the Municipal League. The response has been most kind and courteous, and I propose to tempt neither Providence nor your patience by any preliminaries whatever, but to introduce to you at once the first speaker of the evening, an eminent Baltimorean, long time prominent as a member of the bar, a pillar in the work of Civil Service Reform, the distinguished bearer of a distinguished name, Mr. Charles J. Bonaparte. [Great applause.]

MR. BONAPARTE: Ladies and Gentlemen.-When I was told that I should have an opportunity to address you this evening I was not told on what subject I should speak. I think this was an unfeeling and I fear a fatal omission. Nevertheless, being left to my own devices, I can think of nothing better than to draw what seems to me an appropriate moral from an incident which occurred at the birth of the National Municipal League.

We had held the first conference for good city government in the city of Philadelphia, from which I suppose you all know that the National Municipal League, together with the Declaration of Independence and other good things, and other things that are good in a conventional sense, have originated. On that occasion during the discussion a lady with whom I was not then so fortunate as to be acquainted, appeared on the platform beside the presiding officer, and in a manner which it would be very ungallant to call aggressive, and which I will therefore call impressive [laughter], said that she had come forward to ask us a question, and the question was, "Did we want the aid of woman in our work?" I supposed that any question which comes from such a source must be a wise one; nevertheless, this struck me as a very strange question. I do not know whether anyone undertook to answer it: according to my recollection nobody was so bold. But it seemed to me very much the same thing as though you were to ask a person whose house was afire whether he would be offended if you threw a bucket of water on the flames. [Laughter and applause.] Of course, ladies and gentlemen, we want the aid of woman in our work; why, we want the aid of everybody, and, if of everybody, especially of her. In the first place it is a good work, and it is her special province to help all good works; and in the next place it is a work that interests everyone in the community and not merely one or another class in the community, although I must admit that at first sight I cannot see how any cause that would interest and benefit the men of the community could fail to benefit

the women; but, however that may be, it is quite certain that the work which the National Municipal League was formed to do, and that which it has done as well as its rather limited resources and the very great imperfections of those who have had the somewhat perilous honor of directing its operations have permitted, is a work which tends directly to the benefit not only to the women as members of the community, but also to women in so far as we can imagine that they have any distinct interests of their own. One purpose of the League is to have, if possible, clean streets in American municipalities. I need not point out how that interests ladies. [Laughter and applause.] Another object is to have the best kind of schools: that certainly interests the present generation of women in one way and a future generation in another. It is also the purpose of the League, so far as its resources and ability permit, to promote economy of civic administration; now the taxpayer is the great enemy of expenditure for comfort, elegance and beauty in the household. Those are some of the very small and rather unworthy grounds on which we might ask the ladies of Milwaukee to do what they can to promote our work. But there is a greater and worthier way of placing the matter. We are endeavoring, in a very humble way, but still in a way which, so far as it goes, will, I hope, prove effective for good and not for evil-we are endeavoring, I say, to raise the moral tone of the community in regard to a most important branch of its government. The result of our labors, so far as they may be crowned with success, is to have better, worthier men in public office, to have the people's business well done and done at less cost to the people; to have vice and crime and misery, so far as it lies within the powers of government to control these things, restrained and diminished, to have the cities of the country made worthy of the habitation of free men, and the people who live in them and govern them made worthy of the respect of mankind; I feel that if we can, without presumption, avow that we have aims such as these, we may also reasonably ask the aid, not only of all men but of all women, of good-will in our work.

Now if you ask me how you can help it, it would detain me too long to give you a detailed answer, but there is one thing in which you can certainly aid us and which will be of great potency if really and heartily adopted, I am very confident that anything which the great bulk of the women of this country wish will be brought about. That of course does not mean that something will be brought about that one woman in a hundred wishes and the other ninety-nine, or at least a considerable proportion of them have not even thought about; but if you can get the great bulk of American women to really want to see their sons and husbands, and lovers and brothers, and all the men with whom they are brought into intimate relations really worthy to be considered good citizens of a free country; if you can make that not a matter over which they are willing to go to sleep while somebody else is talking, but a matter as to which they feel strongly and seriously, and always, then you will have made an