not to be blamed for imitating Archilochus in his measure and the structure of his verse, for Alcæus and Sappho (he says, and we must take his word for it) did the same; they tempered their Muse with the measure of Archilochus. The iambics of Archilochus are imitated by Horace in the Epodes. Other measures of his he has imitated in the Odes. There is little left of Archilochus but his iambics. The vigorous style of Sappho's fragments shows the reason why Horace calls her mascula.' See C. ii. 13. 24, n. 32. Hunc ego non alio dictum] Compare C. iv. 9. 3: "Non ante vulgatas per artes "; Verba loquor socianda chordis " and 3. 23: "Romanae fidicen lyrae." "Hunc' Orelli refers to Alcæus, comparing C. iii. 30. 13: 66 'Princeps Aeolium carmen ad Italos It may refer to Archilochus. I do not feel certain about it. Forcellini only mentions one other example of immemoratus' from Ausonius. 'Ingenuis' means candid' or 'uncorrupted.' 35. ingratus] He means that the reader is ungrateful_who_gets_gratification from his poems at home, and yet abuses them abroad. 'Ingratus' belongs to the second clause as well as iniquus.' The reason- Horace gives is, that he does not go about seeking the good opinion of vulgar critics, giving them dinners and cast-off clothes, and so on, but keeps himself to the company of respectable authors, listening to their writings and getting them to listen to his own. The language is taken from the notion of canvassing for votes at an election. 39. auditor et ulto] These words are reciprocal. The man who listens to a stupid recitation has his revenge when he recites in return. Here it is meant in a good-humored way. Juvenal's first Satire begins, "Semper ego auditor tantum ? nunquamne reponam?" As to the practice of recitation among friends and in public, see C. ii. 1, Int., and S. i. 4. 73, n. 40. Grammaticas ambire tribus] Those who made a profession of literature were called 'literati,'' eruditi,' or 'grammatici.' The last name was applied principally to those who kept schools or gave lectures, of whom there were a great many at this time at Rome. Inferior writers would give a good deal for their favorable opinion, which would help their books into demand among their scholars. Horace calls them critici' elsewhere (A. P. 78). 'Pulpitum' meant any raised platform from which speeches were delivered. Here it applies to that from which the teachers delivered their lectures. 41. Hinc illae lacrimae.] This became a common way of speaking after Terence (Andr. i. 1. 99): "Atat hoc illud est: Hinc illae lacrimae, haec illa est misericordia." Spissis indigna theatris] 'Theatra' here means any audience before which recitations of this kind might take place, though the poetry of popular writers was recited in the theatres by 'mimi' and 'mimae.' 43. Jovis auribus] This is the same sort of expression as S. ii. 6. 52: "deos quoniam propius contingis." 'Manare' is not commonly used as a transitive verb. In this construction we find the like words, 'flere,' 'pluere,'' stillare,' rorare,' &c. The expressions 'nugis,' 'poëtica mella,' tibi pulcher,' all seem to apply rather to the lyrical compositions than to the Satires, and the former appear to have been the objects of all this servile imitation. 45. naribus uti] See S. i. 6. 5, n., and Persius (i. 40): "nimis uncis Naribus indulges." 47. diludia posco.] This word occurs nowhere else. It means, in the first instance, an interval allowed to gladiators between their contests. 'Iste locus must mean the 'pulpita' or 'spissa theatra' above mentioned. It seems as if the speaker meant to gain time, and, without declining the con test, made objections to the ground, and asked for a postponement, the language of the arena or palæstra being kept up. The meaning, in plain terms, is, that he does not wish to be brought into competition with others in the way of public recitations or criticism, because such matters, though they may begin in good temper, generally issue in strife and bad passions. Iste' expresses that place which you propose,' EPISTLE XX. WITH this composition addressed to his book. (which can hardly be any other than this collection of Epistles) Horace sends it forth to take its chance in the world. He addresses it as a young and wanton maiden, eager to escape from the retirement of her home and to rush into dangers she knows nothing of. He tells her it will be too late to repair her error when she discovers it; that she will be caressed for a time and then thrown away, and, when her youth and the freshness of her beauty are gone, she will end her days in miserable drudgery and obscurity. He concludes with a description of himself, his person, his character, and his age. 1. Vertumnum Janumque,] The Vicus Thurarius, in which the Scholiasts say Vertumnus had a temple, was part of the Vicus Tuscus (S. ii. 3. 228), and the Argiletum was a street leading out of that street. In the Argiletum Janus had a temple. The Sosii were Horace's booksellers (see A. P. 345), and their shop may have stood near temples of Vertumnus and Janus, at which Horace says his book is casting longing glances. The Scholiasts say they were brothers. The outside skin of the parchment-rolls were polished with pumice-stone, to make them look well. 3. Odisti claves The 'capsae' or 'scrinia' (S. i. 4. 21, n.) were locked, or sealed, or both; and women and young persons were locked or sealed up in their chambers, that they might not get into mischief, which restraint Horace says they liked, if they were chaste. He professes to reproach his book for being tired of staying at home, and being shown only to his friends, and wanting to go out to be exposed for sale, to which purpose he had not trained it. There can be no doubt that what is here distinctly said of the Epistles is true of the other works of Horace, that they were shown to his friends, and circulated privately before they were collected and published. 8. In breve te cogi] As applied to the book, this means that it will be rolled up and put into a case, and not taken out again. The metaphorical language is kept up in the following words, in 'peccantis,' and in the notion of its being thrown aside when the freshness of youth shall have left it. 9. Quodsi non odio peccantis]* 'But if the prophet is not blinded by his aversion to the offender,' that is, if I am not led by my aversion to your wantonness to prophesy too harshly of your fate, Actas' is used for any time of life, according to the context; but more frequently for old age than youth. 13. Aut fugies Uticam] You will be shipped off to Utica (in Libya), or to Ilerda (Lerida) in Spain, or anywhere else in the remote provinces, tied up as a bundle of goods ('vinctus'), and I shall laugh, for what is the use of trying to save such a wilful thing? as the driver said, when his ass would go too near the edge of the precipice, and he drove him over in a passion. It is not known where this fable comes from. Compare A. P. 467. 18. balba senectus.] This keeps up the image in v. 10. Horace says his book will be reduced in its old age to the poor people's schools in the back streets (see S. i. 10. 75, n.). His writings came very soon to take their place with Homer and Virgil in all the schools. See Juvenal (vii. 226) : 66 Quot stabant pueri, cum totus decolor esset 19. Cum tibi sol tepidus] In the heat of the day, and before dinner in the baths, people read to themselves or one another. It is not easy to see the connection of this line with what goes before. It is something of a contradiction. But he supposes the book may perhaps be popular for a time. 20. Me, libertino natum patre] Compare S. i. 6. 6, 46, 47. 23. Me primis Urbis] This he considers no small praise. See Epp. i. 17. 35, and S. ii. 1. 75. He does not mind at this time referring to his old generals, Brutus and Cassius. The description he gives of himself corresponds with that we find in his biographer. See also C. ii. 11. 15. Epp. i. 4. 15. 24. solibus aptum,] This means that he liked warm weather. See S. ii. 3. 10, n. 28. Collegam Lepidum] Horace was born on the 8th of December, B. c. 65, in the year of the consulship of L. Manlius Torquatus and L. Aurelius Cotta.. He completed his forty-fourth year, therefore, in December, B. C. 21. In that year M. Lollius (to whom C. iv. 9 is addressed) and Q. Æmilius Lepidus were consuls. 'Duxit' merely means that he had Lepidus for his colleague. Why Horace should be so particular in letting the world know his present age in the above year I cannot tell. He was in a communicative mood when he wrote, and tells us in a few words a good deal about himself. EPISTLES.-BOOK II. EPISTLE I. AMONG other anecdotes connected with Augustus, Suetonius, in his Life of Horace, says that he complained, after reading the Epistles, that he had not written one to him, whereupon Horace wrote the following Epistle to the Emperor. The parts of the Epistle do not hang together very closely, especially after the first ninety lines. They consist of compliments to Augustus; a remonstrance about the patronage bestowed on the old poets; a description of the rapid growth of art in Greece after the Persian war; a complaint that everybody at Rome has taken to writing verses, whether they can or no; a commendation of poets as good and useful citizens and contributors to the national piety; a history of the growth of poetry in Italy; a comparison between tragedy and comedy; an account of the troubles of dramatic authors through the caprices and bad taste of their audiences, which at that time is stated to have been especially depraved; an appeal to Augustus on behalf of the poets of the day; and a reproof to such poets as are unreasonable or officious, and attempt themes too exalted for them. There is much polish in the versification of this Epistle. The flattery with which it opens is cleverly written, and the verses towards the end, in which Horace compendiously states the military successes of Augustus, are terse and elegant. His commendation of the poet is a fair tribute to his own profession. The description of the vulgar taste for spectacles is natural, and re minds us of our own times; and there is enough in the Epistle to account for the high estimation it is held in by the general reader. 2. moribus ornes,] See Introduction to C. ii, 15, and the Odes there referred to. 3. Legibus emendes,] The principal laws passed in the time of Augustus are given in Smith's Dict. Antt., under the head 'Juliae Leges.' See C. iii. 24. 33, n. 5. Romulus et Liber pater] All these heroes are joined, in C. iii. 3. 9, sqq. As to 'Liber,' see Epp. i. 19. 4, n. There is additional confusion here by the Latin adjunct pater' being affixed to his name. Dionysus, Hercules, Castor, and Pollux were the favorite heroes of the Greeks, who attributed chiefly to their labors the civilization of the world, and to their care its preservation. 11. fatali] The labors of Hercules are called 'fatales,' because thereby he fulfilled his destiny. Virgil so describes them in Aen, viii. 291. 12. Comperit invidiam] See C. iii. 24. 31, sq. 13. Urit enim fulgore suo] For that man scorches with his brightness who overpowers capacities inferior to his own'; that is, inferior minds are galled by the consciousness of their inferiority, and extinguished by his greatness. "Artes' here probably means attainments of any kind, 15. Praesenti tibi maturos] See note on C. iv. 5. 29, sqq., and C. iii. 5. 1, sqq. Augustus during his life refused to receive the honor of a temple at Rome, and in the provinces he would only have them if the name of Rome was coupled with his own. He had two of this sort in Asia Minor, and one built by Herod the Great at Cæsarea. A temple in the provinces was an honor which the governors often enjoyed. During his life, Augustus desired to be accounted the son of Apollo, and was represented on coins in the character of that god playing on a harp. After his death, several temples were erected to him, and his worship was regularly established, but the altars Horace speaks of were those which were raised in the provinces, like that below. 16. Jurandasque tuum per nomen] The person who swore by the altar laid his hand upon it, and invoked the name of the divinity to whom it was consecrated. 17. Nil oriturum alias,] 18. Sed tuus hic populus,] them, are not wise in their This is a repetition of C. iv. 2. 37. They who are wise in honoring you while among excessive admiration for all other things that are old and gone, and contempt for things modern. 20. simili ratione modoque] This is the third time Horace uses this combination. See S. ii. 3. 266, 271. 23. Sic fautor veterum] Augustus was particularly simple in his language, and had a contempt for affectation of any kind. He would therefore, as Orelli says, be pleased with these remarks of Horace. 24. Quas bis quinque viri sanxerunt,] In B. c. 452 ten patricians were appointed, with absolute powers for one year, to draw up a code of laws, of which the greater part was finished in that year, and engraved upon ten tables of ivory or bronze. In the following year the decemvirate was renewed, with the difference that three plebeians were elected among them, and two more tables were added. These tables contained the fundamental principles of Roman law to the latest times. Down to Cicero's time they were committed to memory by boys at school. As to 'sanxerunt,' see S. ii. 1. 81, n. foedera requm] A story is told by Livy (i. 53, sqq.) respecting the way in which Gabii (Epp. i. 11. 7, n.) came into the hands of the Romans. Another historian mentions having seen a treaty made on that occasion. 'Gabiis' and Sabinis' are both governed by 'cum.' Compare C. iii. 25. 2, “quae nemora aut quos agor in specus." As to 'rigidis Sabinis,' see C. iii, 6. 38. The treaty Horace alludes to may be that between Romulus and Tatius, king of the Sabines, by which the two nations became one (Livy i. 13). 'Aequatus,' in this sense of treaties or agreements made on equal terms, does not occur elsewhere. 26. Pontificum libros,] The College of Pontiffs had books containing the regulations by which they were guided, and all matters pertaining to their office, and the worship of the gods, the general supervision of which was their principal duty. The original books were, according to tradition, given to them by Numa at their first creation; but they were added to from time to time, and they must have been numerous when Horace wrote. Some parts were no doubt very antiquated in expression and ideas. annosa volumina vatum,] Not long after this Epistle was written, Augustus caused a multitude of books professing to be Sibylline oracles, and others of a prophetic character, to be burnt (see C. 9. 5, n.). Those that were counted genuine he preserved in the Capitol. 27. Dictitet Albano] There is force in 'dictitet,' 'would persist in affirming,' that the Muses themselves had uttered them (not on Parnassus, but) on the Alban Mount; that the Muses had changed their habitation to dwell in Latium. 29. pensantur eadem Scriptores trutina,] See S. i. 3. 72, n. 31. Nil intra est oleam,] This may be a proverb, meaning we may believe any absurdity, or disbelieve our senses; if because the oldest poets of Greece are the best, therefore Roman poets must be weighed in the same scale, why then the olive is hard without and the nut is soft; we are at the height of good fortune; we paint, we sing, we wrestle, better than the Greeks; which every one knows is not the case. 35. quotus arroget annus.] See C. iv. 14. 40, n. (v. 36) in the same sense in C. iv. 7. 14. Horace uses 'decidere' 45. caudaeque pilos ut equinae] When the soldiers of Sertorius insisted on attacking the enemy against his wish, and were beaten, he took the following means of showing them their error and the policy he chose to pursue. He put before them two horses, one old and infirm, the other young and fresh, with a remarkably fine tail. A strong man stood by the old horse, a small man by the young one. They were desired to pull the hair out of the tails of the animals, and the strong man pulled at his with great force, while the little man proceeded to pull out the hairs of the other, one by one. The weak man soon accomplished his work, while the strong man of course failed. (Plutarch, Vit. Sert. c. 16.) Horace appears to refer to this story, which was probably well known. The application here is plain, though it has no very close analogy to the original. 46. demo et item] Terence uses 'et item.' Andria (i. 1. 49): "Sed postquam amans accessit pretium pollicens Unus et item alter"; and Lucretius (iv. 553): Asperitas autem vocis fit ab asperitate Principiorum, et item levor levore creatur." 47. ratione ruentis acervi] The Greeks had a logical term called owpitηs (from σwpós, 'acervus,' a heap), signifying a series of propositions linked together and depending each upon the one before it, till a conclusion is come to which connects the first proposition with the last; but it may go on for ever without any conclusion at all. The invention of the owpirns is attributed to Chrysippus the Stoic. 48. Qui redit in fustos] The word 'fasti,' as applied to records, belonged properly to the sacred books or tables in which the 'fasti' and 'nefasti dies' were distinguished, that is, the Calendar. When these were made public (Livy ix. 46), calendars. became common, and in these (which were usually engraved on tables of stone) remarkable events were inserted, so that they |