which may perhaps be more successfully combatted at this general meeting, than at the separate seats of Government of each Republic.

I can scarcely deem it otherwise than superfluous, to observe that the assembly will be in its nature diplomatic and not legislative. That nothing can be transacted there, obligatory upon any one of the States to be represented at the meeting, unless with the express concurrence of its own representatives; nor even then, but subject to the ratification of its constitutional authority at home. The faith of the United States to Foreign Powers cannot otherwise be pledged. I shall, indeed, in the first instance, consider the assembly as merely consultative; and although the Plenipotentiaries of the United States will be empowered to receive and refer to the consideration of their Government, any proposition from the other parties to the meeting, they will be authorized to conclude nothing unless subject to the definitive sanction of this Government, in all its constitutional forms. It has therefore seemed to me unnecessary to insist, that every object to be discussed at the meeting should be specified with the precision of a judicial sentence or enumerated with the exactness of a mathematical demonstration. The purpose of the mecting itself, is to deliberate upon the great and common interests of several new and neighboring nations. If the measure is new and without precedent, so is the situation of the parties to it.That the purposes of the meeting are somewhat indefinite, far from being an objection to it, is among the cogent reasons for its adoption.. It is not the establishment of principles of intercourse with one, but with seven or eight nations at once. That, before they have had the means of exchanging ideas and communicating with one another in common, upon these topics, they should have definitively settled and arranged them in concert, is to require that the effect should precede the cause. It is to exact as a preliminary to the meeting, that for the accomplishment of which, the mecting itself is designed.

Among the inquiries which were thought entitled to consideration, before the determination was taken to accept the invitation, was that, whether the measure might not have a tendency to change the policy, hitherto invariably pursued by the United States, of avoiding all entangling alliances, and all unnecessary foreign connections.

Mindful of the advice given by the Father of our Country, in his farewell address, that the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible; and faithfully adhering to the spirit of that admonition, I cannot overlook the reflection, that the counsel of Washington, in that instance, like all the counsels of wisdom, was founded upon the circumstances in which our country and the world around us, were situated, at the time when it was given.That the reasons assigned by him for his advice, were, that Europe had a set of primary interests, which to us had none, or a very remote relation. That hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which were essentially foreign to our concerns. That our detachea and distant situation, invited and enabled us to pursue a different course. That by our union and rapid growth, with an efficient

Government, the period was not far distant, when we might defy material injury from external annoyance; when we might take such an attitude as would cause our neutrality to be respected; and, with reference to belligerent nations, might choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by justice, should counsel.

Compare our situation and the circumstances of that time, with those of the present day, and what from the very words of Washington, then, would be his counsels to his countrymen now? Europe has still her set of primary interests with which we have little or a remote relation. Our distant and detached situation, with reference to Europe, remains the same. But we were then the only Independent nation of this Hemisphere; and we were surrounded by European Colonies, with the greater part of which we had no more intercourse than with the inhabitants of another planet. Those Colonies have now been transformed into eight Independent nations, extending to our very borders. Seven of them Republics like ourselves; with whom we have an immensely growing commercial, and must have, and have already important political connexions. With reference to whom, our situation is neither distant nor detached. Whose political principles and systems of Government, congenial with our own, must and will have an action and counteraction upon us and ours, to which we cannot be indifferent if we would.

The rapidity of our growth, and the consequent increase of our strength, has more than realized the anticipations of this admirable political legacy. Thirty years have nearly elapsed since it was written; and in the interval, our population, our wealth, our territorial extension, our power, physical and moral, has nearly trebled. Reason◄ ing upon this state of things from the sound and judicious principles of Washington, and must we not say, that the period which he predicted as then not far off, has arrived? That America has a set of primary interests, which have none, or a remote relation to Europe. That the interference of Europe, therefore, in those concerns, should be spontaneously withheld by her upon the same principles, that we have never interfered with hers; and that if she should interfere, as she may, by measures which may have a great and dangerous recoil upon ourselves, we might be called, in defence of our own altars and firesides, to take an attitude which would cause our neutrality to be respected, and choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, should counsel.

The acceptance of this invitation, therefore, far from conflicting with the counsel or the policy of Washington, is directly deducible from, and conformable to it. Nor is it less conformable to the views of my immediate predecessor, as declared in his annual message to Congress, of the 2d December, 1823, to which I have already adverted, and to an important passage of which I invite the attention of the House. "The citizens of the United States," said he, cherish sentiments the "most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that (the European) side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the "European Powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It

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is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we "resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence. With the "movements in this hemisphere, we are of necessity more immediately "connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened "and impartial observers. The political system of the Allied Powers, "is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This "difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Govern❝ments. And to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by "the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wis"dom of their most enlightened citizens; and under which we have "enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. "owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations subsisting "between the United States and those Powers, to declare, that we "should consider any attempt on their part, to extend their system to *6 any portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safe"ty. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European "Power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with "the Governments who have declared their Independence, and main"tained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, "and on just principles acknowledged, we could not view any inter"position, for the purposes of oppressing them, or controlling in any "other manner their destiny, by any European Power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards "the United States. In the war between those new Governments "and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recogni❝tion, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, "provided no change shall occur, which, in the judgment of the com"petent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding "change on the part of the United States indispensable to their se"curity."

To the question which may be asked, whether this meeting, and the principles which may be adjusted and settled by it, as rules of intercourse between the American nations, may not give umbrage to the Holy League of European Powers, or offence to Spain, it is deemed a sufficient answer, that our attendance at Panama can give no just cause of umbrage or offence to either; and that the United States will stipulate nothing there which can give such cause. Here the right of inquiryinto our purposes and measures must stop. The Holy League of Europe itself was formel, without inquiring of the United States, whether it would, or would not, give umbrage to them. The fear of giving umbrage to the Holy League of Europe, was urged as a motive for denying to the American nations the acknowledgment of their Independence. That it would be viewed by Spain as hostility to her, was not only urged, but directly declared by herself. The Congress and administration of that day, consulted their rights and duties, and not their fears. Fully determined to give no needless displeasure to any Foreign Power, the United States can estimate the probability of their giving it, only by the right which any foreign State could have, to take it from their measures. Neither the representation of the United States

APPENDIX-No. 2.

WASHINGTON, March 15, 1826.

To the House of Representatives of the U. States:

In compliance with the Resolution of the House, of the 5th ultimo, requesting me to cause to be laid before the House so much of the correspondence between the Government of the United States and the new States of America, or their Ministers, respecting the proposed Congress, or meeting of Diplomatic Agents, at Panama, and such information respecting the general character of that expected Congress, as niay be in my possession, and as may, in my opinion, be communicated without prejudice to the public interest; and, also, to inform the House, so far as, in my opinion, the public interest may allow, in regard to what objects the Agents of the United States are expected to take part in the deliberations of that Congress; I now transmit to the House a Report from the Secretary of State, with the correspondence and information requested by the resolution.

With regard to the objects in which the Agents of the United States are expected to take part in the deliberations of that Congress, I deem it proper to premise, that these objects did not form the only, nor even the principal, motive for my acceptance of the invitation. My first and greatest inducement was, to meet, in the spirit of kindness and friendship, an overture made in that spirit by three sister Republics of this hemisphere.

The great revolution in human affairs which has brought into existence, nearly at the same time, eight sovereign and independent nations in our own quarter of the globe, has placed the United States in a situation not less novel, and scarcely less interesting, than that in which they had found themselves, by their own transition, from a cluster of colonies to a nation of Sovereign Statés. The deliverance of the Southern American Republics from the oppression under which they had been so long afflicted, was hailed with great unanimity by the people of this Union, as among the most auspicious events of the age. On the 4th of May, 1822, an act of Congress made an appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars "for such missions to the Independent Nations on the American Continent, as the President of the United States might deem proper."

In exercising the authority recognized by this act, my predecessor, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed, successively, Ministers Plenipotentiary to the Republics of Colombia, Bue

nos Ayres, Chili, and Mexico. Unwilling to raise among the fraternity of freedom, questions of precedency and etiquette, which even the European monarchs had of late found it necessary in a great measure to discard, he despatched these ministers to Colombia, Buenos Ayres and Chili, without exacting from those Republics, as, by the ancient principles of political primogeniture he might have done, that the compliment of a plenipotentiary mission should have been paid first by them to the United States. The instructions prepared, under his direction, to Mr. Anderson, the first of our Ministers to the Southern Continent, contain, at much length, the general principles upon which he thought it desirable that our relations, political and commercial, with these, our new neighbors, should be established, for their benefit and ours, and that of the future ages of our posterity. сору of so much of these instructions as relates to these general subjects, is among the papers now transmitted to the House. Similar instructions were furnished to the Ministers appointed to Buenos Ayres, Chili, and Mexico; and the system of social intercourse which it was the purpose of those missions to establish from the first opening of our diplomatic relations with those rising nations, is the most effective exposition of the principles upon which the invitation to the Congress at Panama has been accepted by me, as well as of the objects of negotiation at that meeting, in which it was expected that our Plenipotentiaries should take part.

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The House will perceive that, even at the date of these instructions, the first treaties between some of the Southern Republics had been concluded, by which they had stipulated among themselves this diplomatic assembly at Panama. And it will be seen with what caution, so far as it might concern the policy of the United States, and, at the same time, with what frankness and good will towards those nations, he gave countenance to their design of inviting the United States to this high Assembly for consultation upon American interests. It was not considered a conclusive reason for declining this invitation, that the proposal for assembling such a Congress had not first been made by ourselves. It had sprung from the urgent, immediate, and momentous common interests of the great communities struggling for independence, and, as it were, quickening into life. From them the proposition to us appeared respectful and friendly; from us to them it could scarcely have been made, without exposing ourselves to suspicions of purposes of ambition, if not of domination, more suited to rouse resistance and excite distrust, than to conciliate favor and friendship. The first and paramount principle upon which it was deemed wise and just to lay the corner-stone of all our future relations with them was disinterestedness; the next was cordial good will to them; the third was a claim of fair and equal reciprocity. Under these impressions, when the invitation was formally and earnestly given, had it even been doubtful, whether any of the objects proposed for consideration and discussion at the Congress were such as that immediate and important interests of the United States would be affected by the issue, I should, nevertheless, have determined, so far as it