cruel tribes of savages, who could at pleasure destroy them. They had neither bread for themselves, nor their children; neither habitation nor convenient clothing. Whatever emergency might occur, they were cut off both by land and water from either succour or retreat. Their second year was also a season of great and various labours. Many of the planters had to remove themselves and effects from a considerable distance. It was also incumbent on them to cultivate the earth, and raise a crop to prevent a repetition of the distresses, which took place in the preceding year. It was necessary to erect and fortify their houses; to prepare food and shelter for their cattle; to make roads between their settlements, that on any emergency they might assist each other. These various labours were of difficult accomplishment, in a new and unsettled country. The planters had not been accustomed to cutting down trees, to clearing and cultivating new lands. They were strangers in the country, and knew not what kinds of grain would be most congenial with its soil; nor had they any experience, how the ground must be cultivated, that it might yield a plentiful crop. They had few oxen or instruments for husbandry. Every thing was to be prepared, or brought from a great distance, and at a dear rate. Besides all these labours and difficulties, much time was taken up in constant watchings, trainings, and preparations for the defence of themselves and children.

In addition to all these difficulties, they could neither hunt, fish, nor cultivate their fields, nor travel, ħor even walk out from home, but at the peril of their lives. They were obliged to keep a constant watch, by night and day, to go armed to their daily labours, and to public worship. But nothing could discourage men, who were determined to sacrifice every worldly comfort, to secure liberty of conscience; the privileges of a pure church; and the propagation of religion and liberty in America.

Besides their trouble from Indians, the first settlers of Connecticut and Newhaven had well-founded apprehensions of dangers, from their neighbours, the Dutch, in New Amsterdam, who had been settled there upwards of twenty years, 16

VOL. I.

and urged claims to a great part of Connecticut, as the property of the United Netherlands. At this time, England, convulsed with a civil war, between the king and parliament, could afford no aid to her American colonies. Surrounded with dangers and enemies, the inhabitants of Connecticut and Newhaven confederated with their neighbours and brethren of Massachusetts and Plymouth, in a league offensive and defensive. They henceforward took the name of the United Colonies of New England. Their articles of union reserved to each colony an entire and distinct jurisdiction.

Each was authorized to send annually two commissioners, who were church members, to meet on the first Monday in September, first at Boston, then, in succession, at Hartford, New Haven, and Plymouth.

The commissioners, when met, were authorized to choose a president from among themselves, for the preservation of order. They were vested with plenary power, for making war and peace, laws and rules, of a civil nature, and of general concern.

The expense of all wars, offensive or defensive, was to be borne, in proportion to the number of the male inhabitants, in each colony, between sixteen and sixty years of age.

Upon notice, from three magistrates of any of the colonies, of an invasion, the colonies were immediately to send assistance; Massachusetts a hundred, and each of the other colonies, forty-five men.

All determinations of the commissioners, in which six were agreed, were binding upon the whole. No colony might engage in a war, without the consent of the whole union, unless upon some urgent and sudden occasion.

This was an union of the highest consequence to the New England colonies. It made them formidable to the Dutch and Indians, and respectable among their French neighbours. It was happily adapted to maintain a general harmony among themselves, and to secure the peace and rights of the country. It was one of the principal means of the preservation of the colonies, during the civil wars, and unsettled state of affairs in England. This union was also seasonable. The Indians

were so hostile, that its whole influence was necessary, to

prevent a general war.

The Indians, at this period, were beginning to acquire the use of fire-arms. The French, Dutch, and others, for the sake of gain, sold them arms and ammunition. Laws were made to restrain this traffic; but, from the avarice of individuals, they were not carried into full effect.

The Dutch, at Hartford, maintained a distinct and independent government, and resisted the English laws. A war of epistles, protests, and proclamations, was carried on between their governors, each of whom criminated the opposite party, while the borderers on the territories of both, made reciprocal incursions into, and depredations on the settlements of each other.* Charges, of a serious nature, were made by Connecticut, against Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor of New Amsterdam, as having leagued with the Indians to extirpate the English. This charge was principally supported by the evidence of Indians. Their credibility was admitted by one party, but denied by the other. Three fourths of the commissioners urged a declaration of war against their Dutch neighbours; but Massachusetts, contrary to the articles of union, would not co-operate with the other three colonies. She alleged, in vindication of her refusal, that she was not satisfied of the justice of the proposed war. This refusal of Massachusetts paralyzed the military ardour of the other united colonies. They applied to Cromwell for aid; but he was too much occupied at home, to attend to the wishes of his distant friends. The Dutch were also too fully employed in Europe, to aid their colonies in North America.

About this time, 1647, a curious law was passed, for the regulation or suppression of the use of tobacco. It was ordered, "that no person, under twenty years of age, nor any other, who had not already accustomed himself to the use of it, should take any tobacco, until he had obtained a certificate, from under the hand of an approved physician, that it was useful for him; and until he had also obtained a license from the court. All others, who had addicted themselves to the use of it, were prohibited from taking it, in any company, or at their labours, or in travelling, unless ten miles, at least, from any company."

Nothing serious was attempted on either side; but representations continued to be made by the New Englanders, to the ruling powers of England, against the Dutch in New Amsterdam; and their subjugation was incessantly urged, as essential to the security of English America. These were seconded, from an unexpected quarter. Stuyvesant, having retaken Newcastle, reduced the fort at Christiana, and compelled the submission of all the Swedes, near the Delaware. The proprietor of Maryland, uneasy at the extension of Dutch conquests, as encroaching on his province, joined in urging the necessity of fitting out an expedition against New Amsterdam. England, convulsed by a civil war, could not immediately attend to their request; but Charles the second, soon after he was restored to the throne of his ancestors, listened to the joint wishes of his subjects, in Maryland and New England. Before any effectual measures were adopted for this purpose, Connecticut applied to the restored king for a royal charter. The government of England having, in 1660, been settled by the king and parliament, the general court avowed their allegiance to his majesty king Charles the second; and declared, that all the inhabitants of the colony were his faithful subjects. They also resolved, that it was necessary to petition him for the continuance and confirmation of their rights and privileges.

Governor Winthrop was appointed agent, to present the petition to his majesty, and to transact all affairs in England, respecting the general welfare of the colony.

In the petition to his majesty, it was represented, that the greatest part of the colony had been purchased, and that it had, with great difficulty, at the sole endeavours, expense, and charges of the petitioners and their associates, been subdued and improved, and thereby become a considerable enlargement and addition to his majesty's dominion and interests in New England. These were pleaded, as reasons why the king should grant the territory and privileges, for which the petitioners prayed.

Governor Winthrop was a man of address, and improved every circumstance, favourable to the object of his mission.

On his arrival in England, he made application to the friends of the colony, and particularly to Lord Say and Seal, for their countenance and assistance. Lord Say and Seal, the great friend of the colony, had been particularly instrumental in accomplishing the restoration. This had brought him into the king's favour, so that he had been made Lord privy seal. Mr. Winthrop had an extraordinary ring, which had been given his grandfather by king Charles the first, which he presented to the king. This singular and unexpected present was very acceptable to his majesty, as it had been once the property of a beloved father. Under these circumstances, the petition of Connecticut was presented, and received with uncommon grace and favour.*

Charles the second must have been in an extraordinary fit of good humour, when he granted this democratic charter. The principles of it were eminently favourable to the rights of man; the abridgment of which was a favourite object with the grantor, and the other Stuart kings. Though Charles readily granted it, he and his brother, James the second, afterwards exerted all their powers for its destruction. The ease with which the charter was obtained is the more extraordinary, as Connecticut, throughout the civil war of England, had an evident leaning to the interests of Cromwell and the parliament; and, in particular, had rendered herself obnoxious to the restored king, by sheltering two of the regicides, concerned in the death of his father. The particulars were as follow. Very soon after the restoration, a large number of the judges of king Charles the first, commonly termed regicides, were apprehended, and brought to trial. Thirty-nine were condemned, and ten executed, as traitors. Some others, apprehensive of danger, filed out of the kingdom, before king Charles was proclaimed. Whalley and Goffe made their escape to New England. They arrived at Boston, in July, 1660. Governor Endicot, and other gentlemen of character, in Boston and its vicinity, treated them with peculiar respect and kindness. Whalley had been a lieutenant general, and Goffe a major general, in Cromwell's army. Their manners were elegant; their appearance was dignified. They were universally esteemed: but, no sooner was it known, that the judges had been condemned as traitors, and that these gentlemen were excepted from the act of pardon, than the principal gentlemen in Massachusetts began to be alarmed. Governor Endicot called a court of magistrates, to consult measures for apprehending them. However, their friends were so numerous, that a vote could not, at that time, be obtained for their arrest.

Finding themselves unsafe at Cambridge, they came to Connecticut. They arrived about the 27th of March, 1661, and made Mr. Davenport's house the place of their residence. They were treated with the same marks of esteem