ment; it washy express resolution declared to be the first object of their desire, the first object of their duty, and the first object of their inclination.

Lord Mornington's motion for the abolition in 1795 was negatived,

A motion was afterwards made by Sir Edward Knatchbull, for the abolition to take place in 1796, which, upon a division, was carried,

Thus the period of the cessation of the trade was fixed for the 1st of January 1796.

April 30, 1792.

On a notice being given by Mr. Grey of a motion, which he intended to submit to the consideration of the House in the course of the next session, respecting a Reform in the representation of the people,

Mr. PITT rose:

He believed, he said, it was not strictly regular to enter into any observations upon a mere notice of a motion; and therefore he was under the correction of the chair, whether or not he should articulate a syllable.[Go on! go on! was echoed, and re-echoed, from different parts of the house.]—He then proceeded. If ever there was an occasion in which the mind of every man, who had any feeling for the present, or hope for the future happiness of this country, should be interested, the present was the time for its exertion. The present was the time in which the whole house should lose sight of form in the regulation of debate, and apply at once to the substance of the subject. Nothing could be said, nothing could be whispered, upon this subject, at this time, that did not involve questions of the most extensive, the most serious, the most lasting importance to the people of this country, to the very being of the state. He had other motives, he confessed, besides the general importance of

the subject, to say a few words now upon it. It was a question on which he had thought attentively. He was unwilling to weary the house with many observations upon his own conduct, or what seemed not exactly to correspond with what he had professed in the earliest part of his public character; because he was convinced that the question to be brought forward on this subject, would involve something more than the character, the fortune, the connection, the liberty, or the life of any individual. It might affect the peace and tranquillity which, under the favour of Providence, this country had for a long time enjoyed, in a superior degree, perhaps, to any part of the habitable globe, It might affect us, who, from the time of general darkness and bondage to the present hour, had sat quietly, perceiving other powers struggling with tyranny and oppression, while we enjoyed our freedom; it might even bring us into anarchy and confu sion, worse, if possible, than if we had to contend with despotism itself.

He thought the country should know what the opinions of public men were upon the subject now before them, and how they felt at this moment. He confessed they had a peculiar right to know from him his opinion on the subject of parliamentary reform. He could have wished, that a subject of this immense importance had been brought forward at a time when he was personally more able to take an active part in a debate than at present, but above all, on a day on which the house had no other matter to attend to. He wished also the honourable gentleman would bring it forward on some distinct proposition stated to the house, that they might, early in the next session of parliament, take the whole question into consideration; in which case he should, perhaps, have reserved himself until the day appointed for the consideration of the subject: but as this was a general notice, without any specific proposition, he must say he felt no difficulty in asserting, in the most decisive terms, that he objected both to the time and the mode in which this business was brought forward. He felt this subject so deeply, that he must speak on it without any reserve. He would there

fore confess, that, in one respect, he had changed his opinion upon this subject, and he was not afraid to own it. He retained his opinion of the propriety of a reform in parliament, if it could be obtained without danger or mischief, by a general concurrence, pointing harmlessly at its object. But he confessed he was afraid, at this moment, that if agreed on by that house, the security of all the blessings we enjoyed would be shaken to the foundation. He confessed, he was not sanguine enough to hope that a reform at this time could safely be attempted. His object always had been, but now most particularly so, to give permanence to that which we actually enjoy, rather than remove any actually subsisting grievances.-He conceived that the beautiful system of our constitution, and the only security we had for the continuance of it, was in the house of commons; but he was sorry to confess, that security was imperfect, while there were persons who thought that the people were not adequately represented in parliament. It was essential to the happiness of the people, that they should be convinced that they, and the members of that house, felt an identity of interest; that the nation at large, and the representatives of the people, held a conformity of sentiment: this was the essence of a proper representative assembly; under this legitimate authority, a people could be said to be really free; and this was a state in which the true spirit of proper democracy could be said to subsist. This was the only mode by which freedom and due order could be well united. If attempts were made to go beyond this, they ended in a wild state of nature that mocked the name of liberty, and by which the human character was degraded, instead of being free. He once thougnt, and still thought, upon the point of the representation of the commons, that if some mode could be adopted, by which the people could have any additional security for a continuance of the blessings which they now enjoy, it would be an improvement in the constitution of this country. That was the extent of his object; farther he never wished to go; and if this could be obtained without the risk of losing what we have, he should think it wise to make the

experiment. When he said this, it was not because he believed there was any existing grievance in this country that was felt at this hour. On the contrary, he believed that at this moment we actually did enjoy as much happiness as we could, or that a rational man ought to hope for; and if he said otherwise, he should be dealing unfairly with the house, with the public, and with himself; for these were his genuine feelings. He believed that we were in a state of prosperity and progressive improvement seldom equalled, never excelled, by any nation at any period in the history of the world.

He then came to the time and mode of bringing this subject forward. Upon these points, every rational man had two things to consider. These were, the probability of success, and the risk to be run by the attempt. Upon the latter consideration, he owned, his apprehensions were very great: he feared the corruptions that might follow the attempt; and looking at it in both views, he saw nothing but discouragement. He saw no chance of succeeding in the attempt in the first place, but saw great danger of anarchy and confusion in the second. It was true, he had made some attempts upon this subject himself, but at what time? What were the circumstances in which he did so? There was then a general apprehension, which now, thank God, was referred to rather as a matter of history than any thing else; all fear of danger was entirely removed; but there was then a general feeling, that we were upon the verge of a public national bankruptcy, and a strong sense was entertained of practical grievances this was at the conclusion of the American war; succeeding a period, when the influence of the crown was declared to have increased, to be increasing, and that it ought to be diminished. Many thought, and he was of the number, that, unless there was a better connection between the parliament and the people, and an uniformity of sentiment between them, the safety of this country was endangered. Many moderate men, however, there were at that time who admitted, there were abuses that ought to be corrected; but who, having weighed the whole state of the case, even as it stood then, were of

opinion, that although some evil was to be met with, yet that, on the whole, the good preponderated, and therefore, from a fear of possible consequences, they voted against his plan of reformation. If in such a time, and under such circumstances, moderate men thought in this way, what would they think under the present circumstances? He put it not only to that house, but also to the country at large; and he would ask all moderate men in it, what were their feelings on this subject at this moment? He believed that he could anticipate the answer"This is not a time to make hazardous experiments." Could we forget what lessons had been given to the world within a few years? Could we suppose that men felt the situation of this country, as now happily contrasted with others, to be in a deplorable condition? Could we expect that these moderate men would become converts to the new system attempted in another country?—a system which all men would reject. He hoped that such doctrine would not find many proselytes among the moderate and the peaceable; if not, there could be no hope of success, and consequently no wisdom in the attempt.

But it seemed that there was a great number of persons in this country who wished for a reform in parliament, and they were increasing daily. That their number was great, he was happy enough to doubt; what their interest or their vigour would be, if called upon to exert themselves, against the good sense and courage of the sober part of the community, did not occasion him much apprehension. He did not mean to allude to the sentiments of any particular member of that house for the purpose of being severe; but when they came in the shape of advertisements in newspapers, inviting the public as it were to repair to their standard and to join them, they should be reprobated, and the tendency of their meetings exposed to the people in their true colours. He was willing, as long as he could, to give gentlemen the best construction that could be put upon their actions, and to give them credit for such sentiments; but the advertisements he alluded to in the public newspapers, were sanctioned with the very name of the honourable gentleman who had given this notice,