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"We learn, with the utmost concern, that the assembly, who now exercise the powers of government in France, have directed the commission of acts of hostility against the persons and property of your Majesty's subjects, and that they have since actually declared war against your Majesty, and the United Provinces.

"We humbly beg leave to assure your Majesty, that your Majesty's faithful Commons will exert themselves with the utmost zeal in the maintenance of the honour of your Majesty's crown, the vindication of the rights of your people, and nothing shall be wanting on our part that can contribute to that firm and effectual support which your Majesty has so much reason to expect from a brave and loyal people, in repelling every hostile attempt against this country, and in such other exertions as may be necessary to induce France to consent to such terms of pacification, as may be consistent with the honour of your Majesty's crown, the security of your allies, and the interests of your people."

The amendment was negatived, and the address, as moved by Mr. Pitt, was agreed to without a division.

March 11, 1793.

The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply,
Mr. PITT rose, and addressed the Committee as follows:

It is impossible, in the present situation of affairs, not to look to the means of providing for those exigencies which must arise, and of prosecuting the struggle in which we are engaged, with the utmost vigour. I have accordingly taken the earliest opportunity which was afforded me, of laying before you the expenses of the present year, and the means and aids by which they are to be supplied: but before I proceed to this enumeration, I must first mention the leading object which has governed my mind upon this occasion, namely, the recollection of the unanimous opinion, with respect to the present struggle, which the house have carried to the throne, and published to the world; that they regarded it as a struggle for whatever was most dear and sacred, for the security of the throne, and the preservation of the constitution; and that they were prepared to prosecute it with the greatest exertion, and a zeal propor

tioned to the importance of the objects of contest. Fortified with these considerations, I am prepared for that task which my duty on the present occasion requires me to undertake. What, in the first place, is to be looked to, is the vigourous and effectual prosecution of this war, in which we have every thing at stake; and it is by such a prosecution of the war, that we shall best consult true prudence and rational economy. I do not wish to conceal from the house, and from the public, that large preparations must be made, and considerable expenses incurred. Economy to me seems in our present situation to consist, not in limiting the extent of these expenses, but, in controlling their application. In this point of view, I rely upon this house for a liberal supply, adequate to the exigency and importance of the crisis.-There is another point which I wish to inculcate; that whatever degree of exertion we may regard as necessary, or may be disposed to make, the public ought not in any respect to be deluded and flattered-they ought to be made sensible of the full extent to which they may be liable to be called upon to defray the expenses of the war. I will omit nothing on my part to bring forward annually the whole accounts. But, though in calculating the expenses of a war, much may be done by estimate, a great deal must still depend on contingency. Unforeseen occurrences will continually arise, which will render additional expenses necessary. Taking then these occurrences into view, it is proper to allow considerable latitude for the expenses that may be incurred. It is part of my plan to allow a considerable sum for these extraordinary emergencies, so as to make a full provision for every part of the expense.

But there is another object to be attended to. Whatever degree of exertion may be made in the present contest, which involves the dearest and most sacred objects, still we must not allow ourselves to neglect what likewise involves in it the permanent interests of ourselves and our posterity. I not only mean still to employ the annual million for the reduction of the national debt, but likewise the sum of 200,000l. which was last year understood to be set apart for that purpose, so as to provide,

even during the continuance of the war, for the lessening of the debt by compound interest. I likewise mean to avoid another evil which has taken place in all former wars-the accumulation of an unfunded debt. I therefore intend to bring the unfunded debt every year to a distinct account. In conformity with this principle, I shall propose the payment of the navy debt, in order to reduce it to the establishment mentioned by the committee in their report last year.

I shall now proceed in the usual way to state, first, the total amount of the supply, and the total amount of the ways and means, distinguishing the excesses of the services, and of the

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With regard to the first article, the total amount of the expense of the navy, for which there have been already voted 45,000 seamen, I would by no means have it understood that. these are the whole number which may be necessary to be employed. These sums however constitute the whole of the supply in the ordinary mode of the estimate; to which is to be added, such a sum as the committee may think proper to allow for the latitude of unforeseen and unavoidable expense. I have before mentioned the extraordinary charges which may be expected to occur. I have just now stated the possibility of some exceeding with regard to seamen. If the situation of this country lead us, as I hope it will, to take an efficient part along with our numerous allies, in carrying on offensive operations against the enemy, a considerable increase of expense in our military establishment will be necessary. Hitherto, we have hired none but the Hanoverian troops; but, in this case, we may have occasion to employ a considerable body of other foreign troops, in order to press on all sides the common enemy. Some additional expense will be incurred by domestic encampments. An increase will also accrue in the sum allowed to the loyalists, some of whom have been sent to Canada. A loss may perhaps accrue in the lottery, on account of certain regulations which it has been found necessary to make. It is, therefore, my opinion, that a considerable sum should be set apart to enable his Majesty to

provide for the unexpected occurrences of a war, and defray its exigencies as they arise. So many are the contingencies of a war, that, whatever sum may be voted for this puspose, I will not pledge myself for its sufficiency. In other wars, let it be recollected, that, after the sums allotted for them had been expended, very considerable debts were brought forward to be defrayed at a future period. After endeavouring to take every thing into the account, and to calculate as exactly as I can, I will not pretend to state the precise sum; but I would not propose less than that a million and a half should be given to his Majesty with a view to contingencies. The mode of giving it, I would suggest to be by exchequer bills upon a vote of credit; but as I do not wish the number of exchequer bills in circulation to be increased, I would likewise propose to pay off a million and a half of those which are now in circulation., The total of these sums amount to 11,182,213ł. 3s. 8žd.

I now come to state the means with which we are furnished, and to suggest the aids which may yet be wanting to defray this expense.

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Surplus of Consolidated Fund on 5th Jan. 1793
Surplus of Consolidated Fund on April 5, 1794, víz.
Expected Surplus on 5th April, 1793, £. 274,000
Expected Surplus of the 4 Quarters to

5th April, 1794, estimated on the 4
years average as below, after deducting
220,000l. for Duties to be appropriated
to pay the Interest of Money to be
borrowed

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*2,185,000

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750,000 435,696

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