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Turkeys, and Fowles, Flesh, &c. for a pennyworth of corn at twelve

pence a bushell.

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Provisions for each man, and the charge from London. 1. Canvas, or linnen clothes, Shooes, Hats, &c. costing here foure pounds for two men to buy Cows, Goats, and Hogs in Virginia, which there yeeld sixe pound, and will buy one Cow, and Oxe, two Goats two Sowes, which one each man comes to 21.

2. Fraight for a Passenger, and his half Tun of provisions and Tooles.

il. 10. O. 3. Victuals till his own stock and crop maintain him for seven moneths.

31. 10. o. That is, Pease, Oatmeal and Aquavite, 7s. five bushels of Meal, of which to be baked into Biskets, and five bushels of Malt, some must be ground and brewed for the voyage, both il. 10 s. a hundred of Beefe, and Pork, 1l. 2 s. two bushels of roots, 2 s. salt fish, 2 s. Cask to carry provision 5 s. five pound of Butter 2 s.

4. One Hogshead of eares of Corn Garden seeds, Hemp, and linseed with husk and some Rice from Virginia. O. 16. o.

5. Armes (viz.) a Sword, Calliver five foot long, or long Pistoll, Pikehead: six pound of powder, ten pound of shot, halfe an old slight Armour that is, two to one Armour

O. 19. O. 6. Tools, a Spade, Axe, and Shovell, 5 s. Iron and Steel to make and mend more, and two hundred of nails, 5 s.

7. Guns and Powder for the Fort, that is to every fifty foure Murtherers,***

a barell of powder 41. 10s. that is to each man 55. 8. A Bed and sheets of Canvas, to be filled with Huls, each man a Rug

15 s. Sum totall,

O. IO. O.

iol. 5. o.


Here by bringing good Labourers, and Tradesmen, the provident planters may doe well by giving shares or double wages, when each man may earn his five, nay sixe shillings a day in Tobacco, Flaxe, Rice. ... Passage and diet of a man, his bedding and chest thither,

51. o. o. Bedding will cost 15 s. drams, fruit and spice In goods to buy a Cow, and stock each man here Arms, Ammunition, and Tools, each man

Sum Totall


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All Adventurers of sool. to bring fifty men shall have 5000 acres, and a manor with Royalties, at 5s. rent, and whosoever is willing so to transport himself or servant at 10l. a man, shall for each man have 100 acres freely granted forever, and at [manuscript illegible]

may be instructed how in a moneth to passe, and in 20 days to get fit servants and artificers for wages, diet, and clothes, and apprentices according to the 3 Statutes 5 Eliz. All which after 5 years service, are to have 30 acres of free land, and some stock, and bee free-holders.

B. Articles of Agreement of Plymouth Plantation, 16201 In the “Articles of Agreement of Plymouth Plantation” we have a good illustration of the terms upon which the colonists - who did the actual work of settlement and development and upon whose efforts depended the financial success of the venture - agreed to apply their time and labor and divide the profits. In the case of the Plymouth Company the capital necessary to finance the undertaking was to be furnished by the adventurers and all property to be put into a common stock until a final division should take place,

Ano: 1620. July 1.

1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at rofi., and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10f. either in money or other provissions, be accounted as haveing 2017. in stock, and in ye devission shall receive a double share.

3. The persons transported & ye adventurers shall continue their joynt stock & partnership togeather, ye space of 7. years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in ye comone stock untill ye division.

4. That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon ye sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon ye land; as building houses, tilling, and planting ye ground, & makeing shuch comodities as shall be most usefull for ye collonie.

5. That at ye end of ye 7. years, ye capitall & profits, viz. the houses,

I William Bradford, History of the Plimouth Plantation, from the original manuscript (Boston, 1900), pp. 56-58.

lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte ye adventurers, and planters; wch done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.

6. Whosoever cometh to ye colonie herafter, or putteth any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed proportionably to ye time of his so doing.

7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share in ye devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation and devision.

8. That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of ten years, have noe other shar in ye devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land.

9. That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at ye devision, proportionably to ye time of their life in ye collonie.

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon stock & goods of ye said collonie.

C. Disadvantages of a Common Store, 16201 The plan of a common stock did not work any better in the Plymouth Plantation than it had in Virginia, but resulted in waste and lack of industry. In the first three years there resulted much suffering, which Governor Bradford attributed to this community of goods and undertook to correct by allotting to each man a separate plot of ground for his own use. Bradford was the first governor of Plymouth, and wrote a valuable history of the colony during the first twenty-five years of its existence.

Anno Dom: 1623 It may be thought strang that these people should fall to these extremities in so short a time, being left competently provided when ye ship left them, and had an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids much they gott of yo Indans wher they lived, by one means & other. It must needs be their great disorder, for they spent excessively whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte away among ye Indeans (for he yt was their cheef was taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And after they begane to come into wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed coverings; others (so base were they)

1 William Bradford, History of the Plimouth Plantation (Boston, 1900), 156–157, 162–164.

became servants to ye Indeans, and would cutt them woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from y® Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In ye end, they came to that misery, that some starved & dyed with could & hunger. . .

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might raise as much corne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that they might not still thus languish in miserie. At length, after much debate of things, the Gov' (with y® advice of ye cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all other things to goe on in ye generall way as before. And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, according to the proportion of their number for that end, only for present use (but made no devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys & youth under some familie. This had very good success; for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was planted then other waise would have bene by any means ye Govt or any other could use, and saved him a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. The women now wente willingly into ye feild, and tooke their litle-ons with them to set corne, which before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.

The experience that was had in this comone course and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded by some of later times; — that ye taking away of propertie, and bringing in comunitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and florishing; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & discontent, and retard much imploymet that would have been to their benefite and conforte. For ye youn-men that were most able and fitte for labour & service did repine that they should spend their time & streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, without any recompence. The strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter ye other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with ye meaner & yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it./ Upon ye poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike, they thought them selves in ye like condition, and one as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much diminish and take of y® mutuall respects that should be preserved amongst them. And would have bene worse if they had been men of another condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, and nothing to ye course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them.


A. The Advantages of Colonies, 15831 Englishmen were slow to appreciate the advantages that would accrue to their country from the establishment of colonies in the New World. But some of the earlier adventurers, like Drake, Frobisher, Gilbert, and Raleigh, were alive to the benefits that would follow from the planting of colonies in the New World, and endeavored to persuade the government to take active measures to occupy the lands discovered and described by them. In the following extract Sir Humphrey Gilbert enumerates various advantages that England could derive from colonies.

the fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade, traffic and planting in these countries is likely to prove very profitable and beneficial generally to the whole realm. It is very certain that the greatest jewel of this realm and the chieftest strength and force of the same, for defence or offence in martial matter and manner is the multitude of ships, masters, and mariners ready to assist the most stately and royal navy of her Majesty, which by reason of this voyage shall have both increase and maintenance. And it is well known that in sundry places of this realm ships have been built and set forth of late days for the trade of fishing only; yet, notwithstanding, the fish which is taken and brought into England by the English navy of fishermen will not suffice the expense of this realm four months, if there were none else brought of strangers. And the chiefest cause why our English men do not go so far westerly as the especial fishing places do lie, both for plenty and greatness of fish,

1 A true Report of the late Discoveries and Possession Taken in the Right of the Crown of England of the Newfoundland. By Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 1583. In The Principal Novigations Voyages Traffiques & Discoveries of the English Nation. By Richard Hakluyt (Glasgow, 1903), III, 167-8i.

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