in a line far beyond that to which they had been accustomed. The difference between nations is not so much owing to nature, as to education and circumstances. While the Americans were guided by the leading strings of the mother country, they had no scope nor encouragement for exertion. All the departments of government were established and executed for them, but not by them. In the years 1775 and 1776 the country, being suddenly thrown into a situation that needed the abilities of all its sons, these generally took their places, each according to the bent of his inclination. As they severally pursued their objects with ardor, a vast expansion of the human mind speedily followed. This displayed itself in a variety of ways. It was found that their talents for great stations did not differ in kind, but only in degree, from those which were necessary for the proper discharge of the ordinary business of civil society. . . .

. . . It seemed as if the war not only required, but created talents. Men whose minds were warmed with the love of liberty, and whose abilities were improved by daily exercise, and sharpened with a laudable ambition to serve their distressed country, spoke, wrote, and acted, with an energy far surpassing all expectations which could be reasonably founded on their previous acquirements.

The Americans knew but little of one another, previous to the revolution. Trade and business had brought the inhabitants of their seaports acquainted with each other, but the bulk of the people in the interior country were unacquainted with their fellow citizens. A continental army, and a Congress composed of men from all the States, by freely mixing together, were assimilated into one mass. Individuals of both, mingling with the citizens, disseminated principles of union among them. Local prejudices abated. By frequent collision asperities were worn off, and a foundation was laid for the establishment of a nation, out of discordant materials. Intermarriages between men and women of different States were much more common than before the war, and became an additional cement to the union. Unreasonable jealousies had existed between the inhabitants of the eastern and of the southern States; but on becoming better acquainted with each other, these in a great measure subsided. A wiser policy prevailed. Men of liberal minds led the way in discouraging local distinctions, and the great body of the people, as soon as reason got the better of prejudice, found that their best interests would be most effectually promoted by such practices and sentiments as were favourable to union. Religious bigotry had broken in upon the peace of various sects, before the American war.

This was kept up by partial establishments, and by a dread that the church of England through the power of the mother country, would be made to triumph over all other denominations. These apprehensions were done away by the revolution. ... The world will soon see the result of an experiment in politics, and be able to determine whether the happiness of society is increased by religious establishments, or diminished by the want of them.

Though schools and colleges were generally shut up during the war, yet many of the arts and sciences were promoted by it. The Geography of the United States before the revolution was but little known; but the marches of the armies, and the operations of war, gave birth to many geographical enquiries and discoveries, which otherwise would not have been made. . . . The necessities of the States led to the study of Tactics, Fortification, Gunnery, and a variety of other arts connected with war, and diffused a knowledge of them among a peaceable people, who would otherwise have had no inducement to study them. . . .

The science of government, has been more generally diffused among the Americans by means of the revolution. The policy of Great Britain, in throwing them out of her protection, induced a necessity of establishing independent constitutions. This led to reading and reasoning on the subject. The many errors that were at first committed by unexperienced statesmen, have been a practical comment on the folly of unbalanced constitutions, and injudicious laws. . . .

When Great Britain first began her encroachments on the colonies, there were few natives of America who had distinguished themselves as speakers or writers, but the controversy between the two countries. multiplied their number. . . .

. . . Such have been some of the beneficial effects, which have resulted from that expansion of the human mind, which has been produced by the revolution, but these have not been without alloy.

To overset an established government unhinges many of those principles, which bind individuals to each other. A long time, and much prudence, will be necessary to reproduce a spirit of union and that reverence for government, without which society is a rope of sand. The right of the people to resist their rulers, when invading their liberties, forms the corner stone of the American republics. This principle, though just in itself, is not favourable to the tranquillity of present establishments. The maxims and measures, which in the years 1774 and 1775 were successfully inculcated and

adopted by American patriots, for oversetting the established government, will answer a similar purpose when recurrence is had to them by factious demagogues, for disturbing the freest governments that were ever devised.

War never fails to injure the morals of the people engaged in it. The American war, in particular, had an unhappy influence of this kind. Being begun without funds or regular establishments, it could not be carried on without violating private rights; and in its progress, it involved a necessity for breaking solemn promises, and plighted public faith. The failure of national justice, which was in some degree unavoidable, increased the difficulties of performing private engagements, and weakened that sensibility to the obligations of public and private honor, which is a security for the punctual performance of contracts.

On the whole, the literary, political, and military talents of the citizens of the United States have been improved by the revolution, but their moral character is inferior to what it formerly was. So great is the change for the worse, that the friends of public order are loudly called upon to exert their utmost abilities, in extirpating their vicious principles and habits, which have taken deep root during the late convulsions.

CHAPTER VI

AMERICAN COMMERCE AND COMMERCIAL POLICY,

1783-1812

I. EFFORTS TO SECURE A COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH ENGLAND

A. England should not make a Commercial Treaty with the United States, 17831

After peace was declared and political independence was secured, the first question that presented itself to the new nation was that of the terms upon which she would carry on trade with other nations. The United States desired to make commercial treaties with other nations guaranteeing reciprocal commercial privileges, and endeavored, though unsuccessfully, to incorporate some such provisions in the treaty of peace with England. Pitt, who had just become prime minister, tried in turn to secure the adoption of a treaty that would grant freedom of trade between the United States and the British colonies as well as Great Britain. It was against this proposal that Lord Sheffield wrote his well-known book, urging that no action be taken, as the Americans must buy of England in any case.

We are told it is proper to court the trade with the American States, but their treaties with France and Holland in direct terms forbid our being put on a better footing than those countries.2

The state of our manufactures make it unnecessary, and nothing can be more weak than the idea of courting commerce.3 America 1 Observations on the Commerce of the American States. By Lord John Sheffield (1st edition, London, 1783), 59-70, passim.

2 Article II, of the Treaty of Commerce between France and the United States of America, "The most Christian King and the United States engage mutually not to grant any particular favour to other nations, in respect of commerce and navigation, which shall not immediately become common to the other party, who shall enjoy the same favour freely."

By ineffectual and unnecessary attempts to court American commerce, we shall disgust nations with whom we have great intercourse, and prejudice the best trade we have. Our exports to the Baltic and the countries North of Holland are equal to what our exports to the American States were at any time, and more real British shipping has been employed to the North, than had ever been employed to the American States. Before the war, very few British ships they went principally to the Southern

went to the ports north of Philadelphia; States. ...

will have from us what she cannot get cheaper and better elsewhere, and she will sell to us what we want from her as cheap as she will to others. . . . The truth is, we want little of her produce in GreatBritain, coarse tobacco excepted. The finest tobacco grows in the islands, and in South America. The indigo of the islands and of South America is infinitely better than that of North America, but we must take that and naval stores, and other articles from the American States which may be got as good or better elsewhere, in return for our manufactures, instead of money. In payment, for want of other sufficient returns, large quantities of tobacco must come to Great-Britain, and we can afford to give the best price for it, by taking it in exchange for our manufactures.

Instead of exaggerating the loss suffered by the dismemberment of the empire, our thoughts may be employed to more advantage in considering what our situation really is, and the greatest advantage that can be derived from it. It will be found better than we expect, nor is the independence of the American States, notwithstanding their connection with France, likely to interfere with us so essentially as has been apprehended, except as to the carrying trade, the nursery for seamen. The carriage of our produce is nothing in comparison with that of America; a few tobacco ships will carry back as much of our manufactures as all the American States will consume. must therefore retain the carrying trade wherever we possibly can. But the demand for our manufactures will continually encrease with the population of America. Those who have been disposed to despond may comfort themselves with the prospect, that if the American States should hereafter be able to manufacture for themselves, as the consumption of the manufactures of England decreases with them, the demand will encrease elsewhere; . . .

We

If manufacturers should emigrate from Europe to America, at least nine-tenths will become farmers; they will not work at manufactures when they can get double the profit by farming.

No American articles are so necessary to us, as our manufactures, &c., are to the Americans, and almost every article of the produce of the American States, which is brought into Europe, we may have at least as good and as cheap, if not better, elsewhere. Both as a friend and an enemy America has been burthensome to Great Britain. It may be some satisfaction to think, that by breaking off rather prematurely, Great Britain may find herself in a better situation in respect to America, than if she had fallen off when more ripe. . . .

It will not be an easy matter to bring the American States to act