The securities deposited in the Bank Department, under the present restrictions, must constitute the best reliance for the protection of the bill holder. In all our legislation, the free banking system is to be regarded as permanently established. In the course of twelve years experience, many improvements have been made in its practical operation, and some further modifications will undoubtedly be found conducive to the public security.

The frequent occurrence of railroad accidents renders it but too apparent that proper care for their prevention is not now exercised. A large proportion of these calamities might have been avoided by due care in the construction, management and service of the roads and their moving equipment. The obligation

of the State Government to extend its protection to the lives of railroad passengers is imperative, and rests on high moral grounds. I would, therefore, invoke the Legislature to enact such laws as may, on mature consideration seem most proper and efficient for preventing the recurrence of these lamentable disasters.

The Legislature, at its late session, provided by law for the erection of a building for the better preservation of the State Library. That building is now under contract, and will be completed with all the dispatch which may be deemed consistent with the permanency and security of the edifice. Warned by the late destruction of the Congressional Library of the necessity of adopting every precaution against a similar calamity in our own case, I deem it proper to recommend to your special consideration the suggestions to be submitted in the report of the Trustees, in relation to the internal arrangement of the building, with a view to the greater security of the valuable collection to be deposited in it.

The increase of corrupt practices in our elections has become a subject of general and just complaint. It is represented that in some localities, the suffrages of considerable numbers of voters have been openly purchased with money. We owe it to ourselves and to posterity, and to the free institutions which we have inherited, to crush this hateful evil in its infancy, before it attains sufficient growth to endanger our political system. The honest and independent exercise of the right of suffrage, is a vital prin[Assembly, No. 1.]

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ciple in the theory of representative government. It is the only enduring foundation for a republic. Not only should the law punish every violation of this principle as a crime against the integrity of the State; but any person concerned in giving or receiving any pecuniary consideration for a vote, should, upon challenge, be deprived of the privilege of voting. I submit the subject to your consideration, in the hope that additional remedies may be pre scribed and enforced.

It is now several years since suits were commenced by the Attorney-General, under the direction of the Legislature, to test the validity of the title to certain manorial lands occupied by tenants holding perpetual leases. It is of great importance that these suits should be brought to a final decision as early as practicable. It is due to the rights of both parties. While the question is suspended in the courts, both landlord and tenant are in a state of uncertainty; the improvement of the country is retarded; voluntary arrangements for a change of the tenure are arrested; and the public mind is kept in a state of agitation most unfavorable to the peace of society and the regular administration of justice. Measures should be adopted to compel an early and definitive adjudication in the court of last resort.

Complaints continue to be made of delays in the administration of justice in the city of New-York. Some of the courts are overwhelmed with an accumulation of cases, notwithstanding the arduous and efficient efforts of the judges. It is believed that an increase of business in the commercial emporium will ultimately require an additional number of justices. The pressure upon some of the courts may be attributed in part to the chancery duties imposed upon the common law tribunals. The law should be so amended as to relieve the judges from the labor of taking testimony in equity proceedings; and I would recommend that authority be given to the courts to refer such cases, whenever, in their discretion, they shall deem the examination of witnesses before a referee compatible with the rights of parties.

The statute in relation to the proof of wills and the administration of estates, needs such amendments as will expedite the discharge of debts against the estate of the deceased, in cases where the administration is suspended by a contest in respect to the

probate of an alleged will; a litigation which often occupies many years before its final determination, and subjects creditors to serious embarrassment and injustice.

In my last annual communication, I deemed it my duty to recommend suitable legislation for encouraging the settlement of the unsold lands of the State; for a revision and condensation of our statutes; for defining the power of cities to contract debts ; and for the punishment of embezzlement by public officers as a crime. Referring to the views then expressed, I would again invite your attention to these several topics.

Having now adverted to the more prominent questions of domestic policy which will engage your deliberations, it can hardly be deemed inappropriate briefly to consider the relations of the State to the Federal Union, in connection with those subjects of national legislation which most intimately affect our prosperity. Although your legislative powers are limited to the internal concerns of the State, and its welfare depends peculiarly upon the wise exercise of those powers, we cannot forget that some of our most cherished interests are involved in the action of the general government. The exclusive authority to levy duties upon imports and to regulate commerce has been delegated to Congress. Unfortunately for the country, these important functions have not been exercised with that enlightened regard for the welfare of our citizens which they have a right to demand from a government deriving its existence and support from the people. The protection of our industry in those branches of production which are least able to withstand foreign competition, and the improvement of navigation on our lakes and rivers, both objects of the most vital importance to the public prosperity, have failed to receive the friendly attention of the federal government for some years past.

Under the ruinous operation of the revenue system of 1846, some of our most valuable manufacturing interests have been entirely prostrated, while the excessive importation of fabrics which we ought to produce at home, has created an enormous balance of trade against the country. The neglect of Congress to protect the commerce of our inland waters has caused a de

plorable waste of life and property. The sentiments of this State ought to be distinctly announced on subjects of such paramount importance to its welfare; and the public opinion, which undoubtedly exists in favor of a liberal national policy, should make itself felt and respected. After surrendering to the federal authority the whole revenue power of the country, we cannot calmly consent that it should longer remain hostile or indifferent to the attainment of objects which the national compact was intended to secure, and which are called for by the most urgent considerations of policy and patriotism. It is a source of sincere satisfaction that the Executive branch of the government, actuated by statesmanlike views and a patriotic desire to promote the general prosperity, has recommended to Congress the adoption of proper measures to remedy the evils so seriously felt. and justly complained of.

It cannot be disguised that the legislation of Congress on measures of practical importance has been seriously impeded by the sectional collisions which have too long disturbed the repose of the country. The controverted questions arising from our late territorial acquisitions, having been settled, we may reasonably hope that a recurrence of similar difficulties will be avoided by steady perseverance in a wise, moderate and conservative policy. Let us also indulge the hope that with the removal of its most prominent cause, the spirit of sectional contention so pernicious to the national prosperity and so repugnant to the purposes of the federal compact, may speedily disappear from the political horizon. It is time that angry strife and unworthy jealousies between the northern and southern portions of the United States should be banished forever, and that our public councils be inspired once more by the sentiments of mutual confidence and attachment which animated the whole people in the struggle for independence and the formation of the Union. In the free exercise of the inherent and vital right of opinion and discussion, zeal should be tempered by toleration and forbearance, and a just regard for the constitutional rights of all sections. of the country.

When we recur to the original design and true theory of our federal system, every candid mind must acknowledge that there is no sufficient cause for keeping alive feelings of aversion and ill

will between the members of a voluntary confederacy, whose firm and perpetual union forms the only sure foundation for the freedom and happiness of the American people, and for the hopes of liberty throughout the globe. On a calm survey of our political condition, we perceive that the federal authority was created for purposes of a general and national character; for the conservation of common rights and the protection of interests in which all the states, however diversified their internal condition, have a joint and equal concern. The Constitution having wisely left the states free to regulate their domestic affairs, the dissimilarity in their local institutions furnishes no just ground for mutual complaints and reproaches. These differences of social and municipal organization existed among the American colonies; they were produced by causes over which the founders of the Constitution had no control, and for which we, their descendants, cannot be deemed responsible. They were not sufficient to prevent WASHINGTON and his compeers from blending diverse interests by mutual concessions, and rearing the noblest edifice of free government which the world has seen.

Why then should they be permitted to embitter our councils, and weaken the political ties which constitute us one people? In the conduct of our national concerns, why should the progress of the country be retarded and its best interests be forgotten in vain disputes upon questions which each State must decide for itself, and over which we have no rightful control?

In my reflections upon this subject, I have not permitted myself to doubt that the spirit of disunion which no concessions can appease, and the fanaticism which sees evil continually and luxuriates in factious strife, will exhaust themselves in the madness of their manifestations, without seriously endangering the stability of our National institutions. I adhere to the conviction expressed in my last annual communication, that the great body of the people, as well in our own State as in every portion of our widely extended confederacy, continue to cherish an ardent attachment to the Union; that they desire to see the Constitution administered in a spirit of moderation and equal justice towards the rights of all sections; and that they will "indignantly frown