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eight o'clock, having spent the whole day in abstinence, mortification, labour, silence, and prayer; and every succeeding day, like the former, continually hastening them to the grave that is open. The severity of this rigid order requires no common devotees; perpetual silence restrains them in the greatest enjoyment of life; perpetual abstinence, mortification and penance, poverty and prayer, seems more than human nature is capable of undergoing; and unless the minds of the Religious were buoyed up by the fervour of their devotions, they could not keep themselves alive; they abstain wholly from meat, fish, and fowl; and, during Lent, from butter, milk, eggs, and cheese: but they 'seem perfectly content. The Monks observe perpetual silence, scarcely even look at each other, and never speak but to their Prior, and only on urgent occasions; they never wander from their Convent without permission of their superior, but go each morning chearfully to such work as they are directed to perform. passed these poor humble unoffending Monks at their work, they received us with courtesy and humility, but never spoke. The most perfect si1 lence and tranquillity reigned throughout this little Vale, with nothing to interrupt it but the Convent bell, and the dashing of the waves on the shore: even the winds of heaven are restrained from visiting this place too roughly, for the Down protects it from their fury. FATHER PAUL.

Mr. URBAN,

As we

April 2. YOUR Correspondent, page 526,

YOU

quotes Beatson accurately, as to the precedence of the Kildare and Carrick Earldoms; but he might have noticed that writer's inaccuracy in ascribing the creation of those honours to Henry III. instead of Edward II. In Lodge's Peerage, as edited by Archdall, Carrick is made to precede Kildare by a year, the date assigned to the former being Sept. 1, 1315, (see vol. IV. page 7.) that of the latter, May, 17, 1316, (vol. I. page 78.); but, I believe Archdall is in error, and that Kildare is the premier earldom (see Leland's Ireland, vol. I. p. 272.)

The Biographical Peerage (1808) is a very entertaining, as well as useful GENT. MAG. April, 1813.

compilation. Some of the portraits are extremely well and happily executed, particularly those of Lords Chatham, Grenville, Kenyon, &c. &c. The volume containing the Peers of Ireland is not, I believe, yet published; the Editor might find some well-drawn portraits of the Irish nobility, or their immediate ancestors, in Hardy's" Memoirs of Lord Charle mont." Some of the characters, however, in this amusing compilation, appear to me to have been treated with inattention, or passed hastily 'over. The merits of Lord Hutchin son, the victorious General, the liberal Statesman, and the accomplished Scholar, might surely have demanded some tribute of admiration; see vol. II. p. 397. His Lordship is there stated to have been second in command at the battle of Alexandria; whereas it is well known he succeeded to the

chief command immediately on the fall of Sir Ralph Abercrombie at Aboukir. The genealogical part is, in some instances, deficient, chiefly with respect to those families whose ancestry has not been illustrated by the diligent researches of a Collins.In page 312, Lord Yarborough's paternal descent is unnoticed, though he is lineally sprung from Sir Edmund Anderson, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in the reign of Elizabeth, two of whose descendants received patents of baronetage, viz. the Andersons of Broughton, in 1660, and the Andersons of Eyworth, in 1664.-In page 234, the family of Harbord, though antient, is passed over without comment. In page 298, no notice is taken of Lord Redesdale's descent from the Mitfords of Mitford Castle, a family regularly and authentically traced to the Conquest. Lord Kenyon too, it is believed, was of a younger branch of an antient, though private, family.-The Editor commences the pedigree of Cust with Richard Cust, 1553, though that noble family are traced to a much earlier period. Is there not an attempt to cast a doubt on the Perceval descent

in page 165: why the 'son as it is said?' when the circumstance could be prov ed to the satisfaction, not merely of a Herald, but of a Court of Justice.Sir Guy Carleton, Lord Dorchester, was an undoubted descendant of the

antient

antient Carletons of Cumberland.The paternal ancestry of James Dutton, Lord Sherborne, is unnoticed; the Napiers of Lougherew, co. Meath, from whom his Lordship derives his origin, were lineally descended from James Napier, fourth son of Sir Nathaniel Napier, and brother of Sir Gerard Napier of Middle Marsh Hall, Dorsetshire, created a baronet June 25, 1641.

I propose to offer shortly a few more remarks on the Biographical Peerage; and am, in the interim, Yours, &c. A. B. B.

THE

Mr. URBAN, Coventry, April 7. HE repeated misrepresentations which have been made of the conduct of my friend Mr. Sharp induce me (as he himself seems inclined to remain silent) to come forward in his vindication. The Chimney which your Correspondents have so severely censured, is, I can confidently assert, placed in the most eligible situation that could be selected; and from hay ing been placed by the side, and made to appear as a part, of one of the original buttresses, it is extremely difficult to perceive that any alteration has been made; indeed, if the upper part had not been slightly discoloured by the smoke, it would have been nearly imperceptible: for although, as Viator observes, it is built of brick, yet, from its having been covered with composition, that cannot be considered an objection; in fact, the preference was given to brick, as being of superior durability to the friable stone of which the rest of the edifice is composed. Any interference on the part of Mr. Sharp's friends was rendered unnecessary, from his having, with that diffidence which is ever the characteristic of superior talents, and that good-nature which he so eminently possesses, consulted with them on the subject prior to the erection. Your numerous Readers, Mr. Urban, must, I am sure, have been astonished at a charge against so eminent an Antiquary as my friend; they must have believed it to be impossible, that, with the knowledge of Gothic Architecture which he possesses, and with such strong admiration of it as be has frequently manifested, any of its beauties should have been defaced, or any violation of its principies com

mitted, under his direction. I trust they will now be convinced, that no alterations have been made dissimilar to the style of the Church, or which detract aught from Mr. Sharp's acknowledged merit. DEFENSOR.

Mr. URBAN,

THE

April 9. THE term Rilievo (improperly spelled Relievo), as applied to Sculpture, signifies the representation of any object projecting or standing forth from the plane on and (commonly) out of which it is formed.

Of Rilievos there are three kinds: Basso, Alto, and Mezzo. Basso Rilievo is when the projection is less than one half of the natural thickness of the object represented: such as is seen in coins and medals, and the friezes and other ornaments usually employed in buildings. Mezzo Rio lievo is when one half of the figure emerges, as it were, from the substratum. Alto Rilievo is when the figure is so completely salient that it adheres to the plane only by a narrow strip.

Cameos (more properly Cammeos) are semi-opake gems, consisting of two or more conches or coats of different colours, and of sufficient thickness to admit of the shaping the uppermost into a figure in basso rilievo, which is thus made to rest, and have the appearance of being cemented on a ground of a different colour. And it is to be observed, that all these different conches may be so employed; since the Engraver by cutting more deeply into the stone, may give the colours of its several coats to the several parts of the engraved figure. As, for instance, supposing his subject to be the head of Minerva, the colours of the stone may be so fortunately disposed as to admit of his giving to the face its natural whiteness, a dark colour to the hair, and different shades of brown, and yellow to the helmet.

The most probable derivation of Cammeo is from Chama, a word of Greek origin, by which the Antients denominated a sea-shell of the bivalve kind, which was much employed by them, as it still is by Italian Artists, for the purpose of engraving.

In the hope that this will prove satisfactory to Clericus Bathensis (in p. 199.) I subscribe myself,

Yours, &c. DEMIOURGOS.

Mr.

Mr. URBAN,
OUR

γου

April 3. Correspondent, in page 212, has afforded me much satisfaction, by adding the weight of his opinion to the judgments given, by the Critical Journal for March 1812; the British Critic for August 1812; the Monthly Review for December 1812; and the Editor of the new edition of Professor Martyn's Eclogues of Virgil; in favour of the argument by which I have shewn, that Virgil wrote his Fourth Eclogue in honour (not of either of the Sons of the Consul Pollio, or of any of the other personages to whom it has hitherto been assigned, but) of Augustus Cæsar; during the early period of his life, when he bore the name of CAIUS JULIUS CESAR OCTAVIANUS. At the same time he leaves me to regret the evidence, which I find in his observation, of his imperfect perusal of my book; since he produces, an an additional support to my argument, overlooked by me, a passage in the 94th Chapter of Suetonius's Life of Augustus, which passage I have nevertheless twice introduced; and of which I have made the very application that he recommends. He observes, that I have produced a variety of proofs in support of my doctrine; but one proof, which may be deemed conclusive, I have not promulged."

If he will take the trouble to look again into my Dissertation, he will find, that I have given the substance of that passage of Suetonius, in Eng. lish, at page 136; that, at page 274, I have given the passage in the identical words of the original, which he has quoted, so far as they concern the argument; and that, at page 185, I have made a direct application of those words to the line of the Eclogue to which he applies them, and in the following terms: "To whom could he (Virgil) have said, modo tu fave puero nascenti, Lucina, jam regnat Apollo,' but to him who was Apollinis filium existimatum' ?” Thus then, far from "not having promulged" this "conclusive" proof, I have made it one of the main supports of my argu ment; and I am glad that this writer agrees with me in viewing it as an evidence powerfully illustrative. He very justly observes, that" if there was any remarkable personage to

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whom the passages (which he quotes from the Eclogue) might apply in the time of Virgil, we ought to conclude that the Poem was in honour of that personage." This remark I have enforced in various parts of my discourse, especially at pp. 52, 122, 184. All those proofs, however, would

be without any avail for the purposė of fixing the interpretation upon Augustus, if it were not first shewn, that Virgil docs not deliver this pretended prophecy in his own person, as hitherto has invariably been assumed. For, if he delivered it in his own person, the Personage celebrated must have been unborn when it was written; and then Augustus could not have been that Personage, since he was at that time entering on his twenty-fifth year. Who then is the Speaker in this prophecy?—It is in the detection of this one point, that the virtue of the interpretation (whatever it may be) wholly consists. It is, in shewing, by internal evidence, and by the analogies of poetry, (in Tibullus and Horace,) that the Speaker is the autient Cumaan prophetess; whose prophecy is cited by Virgil in the fourth line: and that Virgil designed to signify, in this Eclogue, that an antient prediction concerning Octavius (which he affects to recite) was at that moment fulfilled. Virgil, then, speaks in his own person only in the four lines which begin the Poem; and the Cumaan Sibyl is the Speaker throughout the rest of the Poem. It is absolutely necessary, in order to use this interpretation, to separate the fourth line from the fifth; with the former of which Virgil ceases to speak in his own person, and with the latter the Sibyl begins her prediction. If those two lines are left in connexion, so as to form members of the same proposition, Virgil is made to speak in his own person through the whole poem; and then, all the evidences adduced, however “conclusive” otherwise, are incapable of proving any thing,

I have found it necessary to renew and enforce this caution, because, in a rercnt edition of Professor Martyn's Eclogues of Virgil, in which the learned Editor has been pleased to admit, and to adopt, my interpretation of this Eclogue, I perceive that he has forgotten to attend to this

essential

essential circumstance, in printing the text of the Eclogue, and its English translation; by which oversight, the poem is left with all its antient obscurity and intricacy. Whereas, by merely detaching the fourth line from the fifth, (as I have printed them at the beginning of my “Observations, &c.") that intricacy is resolved.

I trust, that the evidence of the necessity imposed upon me to make these observations, will be manifest. to the justice and candour of the learned Criticks, whom they respectively regard; and whose favourable judgments have afforded me considerable pleasure. GRANVILLE PENN.

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A Note of the Funerall of EDW. [Third] Earle of RUTLANDE• HE body of Edward Erle of RutTHE land was brought from London to the Castle of Belvior, and layd in the Chappell there, upou Satterday being the xiij of May, 1587. W'ch Chappell was hangd all with black and garnished with armes, and his body layd upon a bord of a good hight, with a great pawle of black velvett garnished with armes, And upon the pawle was layd his cote armore, sword, tardge, helmett, and creaste, with fowre banneroyles of every corner, his banner and standerd, in the Chappell, where he remayned till the day of the funerall. And in the said Castle of Belvior, the hall was hangd with black and gar

nished with armes. Likewise the great chamber was hangd with black and garnished also, and in it a cloth of estate of black velvett with chayne and quisheyne of the same.

Then p'paracion being made for the day of the funeral, the corpes remayned till that day, w'ch was appointed to be at a P'ish Church, being, thre myles of, called Botesworth, w'ch Church was hangd all with black and garnished with

armes;

and in the body of the said Church a stately hearse made, being xxiiij fete high, xviii foote longe, and xij foote brode, all hangd with blacke velvett fringd with silk and garnished with a greate sorte of armes, and two hundred pensills sett upon it, and a rayle round about the herse conteyninge xxiiij foote every way covered all with blacke, and upon the vj mayne pillors of the herse was sett divers goodly armes with crownes of gould upon them, and upon the toppe of all fower armes joyned together and a crowne over all. Then was there sett within the rayle and without the herse a stole against the middest of the said herse for the L. Chiefe Murner, with a carpett and a quisheyne of black velvett, And then of ether side of the herse was sett fower stoles, carpette, and quishenes of black cloth, for the residew of the Murners. And within the Chauncell there was made a vaute wherin his corpes was to be layd upon the right hand of his father's tombe. And upon Munday beinge the xv of May, 1587, the said body was con veyed from the Castle of Belvior to the Church of Botesworth in most solempne and honorable manner, as followeth :

First, there was appointed to go before to conduct the company two porters with ther staves. Then followed them fiftie poore men in black gownes. After them came all my L.'s yeomen and gromes, to the num ber of a hundreth and fiftie, Then came the stauderd, caryed by Mr. George Villars of Leycestershier, esq. And under it fowerscore gentlemen all in black clokes, his L.'s howsebould servaunts on horsebacke. After them eight Chapleynes in ther degrees, with there gownes and hodes. Then followed them his Steward, Tresurer, and Controwler, with ther white staves. Then followed them caryed by Sir Andrew Nowell, Kaight, the great Banner of Armes, w'ch was

And under it went all the Gentlemen of the countrey in mourning gownes and hodes, to the number of forty or fiftie, their horses covered with fyne black all saving their eyes. Then followed them my L. Rose and Sir Thomas Stanhopp, with all my L.'s children. Then followed the Harrolds with their ceremonye. The first was Winzar, w'ch caryed the helmett and creast with my L.'s cote

armore

1

armore upon his backe, presenting my L.'s owne harold. Next after him came Chester, who caryed the sword. The next after him Richmond, who caryed his tardge. And then came Garter King at Armes, who caryed my L.'s coate armore upon a staffe of hight; so that all the Harrolds, saving Winzar onely, ware the Quenes Ma'tyes coote armore upon ther backs. Then followed a Gentleman Usher. And after him came the Chariott wherin his body was layd, the Chariott covered with black velvett with armes upon it, w'ch chariott was drawen with fower great horse covered all with blacke saving their eyes, and upon his a pawle of blacke velvett garnished with armes. Then was ther fower Knights appoint ed for the gard of the body, who was appointed to ryde by every corner of the chariott; as, Sir John Berryne, Sir Edward Dymocke, Sir Anthony Tharold, and Sir William Hollis. Then was fower bannerroyles caryed by fower gentlemen of good accompt upon every corner of the chariott, who were these, Mr. Phillip Constable, Mr. Raphe Crathorne, Mr. Raphe Babethorpe, and Mr. Marmaduke Grimstone. And then went there of both sydes the chariott, the foote men in blacke velvet. Then folowed the Horse of estait, led by the Gentleman of the Horse. Then folowed him a Gentleman Husher. And then after him my L. him selfe, beinge Cheife Mouruer, alone. Then after his L'p. folowed eight Mourners, two by two, w'ch were these, Mr. Roger Manners and Mr. John Manners, Sir Thomas Manners, Sir Thomas Siscell, Sir Jarvis Clifton, Sir Francis Willowghbie, Sir Robert Constable, and Sir George Chaworth. Then folowed all the Servinge men, to the number of two hundreth, beinge all in blacke.

And thus he was conveyed from the Castle of Belvior to the Churche of Bootesforth. And so sone as he lighted in the Churche yeard all his gentlemen went before into the Church, savinge a dosen, w'ch was appointed to carie the corpes into the Churche; w'ch they did. The corps being caried in, then came the fower asistans and went upon the corners with the fower bannerroyles, and so brought it to

* The MS. is here continued apparently by a different hand.

the hearse, and layd it there upon a bord, beinge a great height; and then the fower asistans beinge placed within the corners of the herse, and the fower bannerroyles without the corners of the reales, where they remayned till the bodie was caried to the voate.

Then the Chiefe Mourner,folowinge the bodie,had his trayne borne by one of his gentlemen hushers; and aboute the midest of the end of the herse there was a stoole and a quisheine of blacke velvet, w'ch was layd for him to knele downe upon. The eight Mourners attendinge upon him came within the reale, where there places were made redie, kneled downe, carpitts and quishens beinge layd for them, all of black. Then was the gentleman of the banerroyles ap pointed everie of them to stand in the corner of the reales w'ch invironed the hearse. And then at the far syde of the herse was appointed Mr, Villars to stand with the standerd. And soe against Sir Andrewe Nowell with the banner. Then the Harolds layd downe the coate armoure, the sword and tardge, with the helmit and crest, upon the powle, w'ch layd upon the bodie till such tyme as they were offered, w'ch was after the Ser

mon.

And at such tyme as the Sermon was done, w'ch was made by the Bushope of Lincolne, who was in m'wrninge attyre also, then the Harolds made rome for the offringe; and when it was fully made, came they all to the Cheife L. Mourner, and he arose and folowed, the Harolds goinge before him, and all the rest of the murners folowinge of him, went up and offered for the deade, and so came backe to his place. So when the Harolds came againe before him, he went upp alone, and offered for him selfe; and then the rest of the Murners, beinge brought two by two, went up and offered for themselves. And then after the Murners had offered for themselves, and come to their places, then Garter went and toke of. the coat armoure, and brought it to Mr. Roger Manners and Mr. John Manners, and went before them with the rest of the Harolds and offered it to the Church; beinge layde upon the Com'n Table,brought them backe to there places. Then he went to the herse and fetcht the sword, and de

livered

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