TH

HE young Queen's coronation became, as the season advanced, the predominant topic of conversation, the central point to which the attention of the public was undividedly directed. There were, probably, few of her Majesty's subjects, however stoical on ordinary occasions of the kind, who could bring themselves to regard, with unconcern, this solemnity, which, indeed, inspired a feeling so powerful and so universal, that a radical journal, somewhat spleneticly, pronounced the entire people to be "coronation mad." Nor was the sentiment confined to the United Kingdom. Foreigners of various conditions, and from all quarters of Europe, flocked in to behold the inauguration of the maiden monarch of the British empire. In the metropolis, for some weeks anterior to the event, the excitement was extreme. The thousand equipages which thronged the streets, the plumed retainers of the ambassadors, the streams of swarthy strangers, and the incessant din of preparation which resounded by night as well as by day, along the intended line of the procession, constituted, of themselves, a scene of no ordinary animation and interest, and sustained the public mind in an unceasing stretch of expectation.

There was, however, that, in the programme of the approaching ceremony, which awakened dissatisfaction and complaint in cer

tain quarters, where innovation is never popular. It was for example, no sooner understood that "The Banquet" was not to be celebrated in Westminster Hall, in conformity with the usage of ancient times, than the Marquess of Londonderry, amongst others, zealously exerted himself to avert such an unbecoming concession to the principles of economy, and com→ menced a course of " agitation" on the subject; the public prints were accordingly enlisted in the cause; the tradesmen of the capital diligently admonished to bestir themselves and public meetings were convened. No very signal success seems to have crowned their operations.

However, on

the 28th of May, the noble Marquess presented a petition from the merchants, traders, and others of the metropolis, praying, that the coronation might be deferred till August, and then be conducted in a scale of befitting splendour. Earl Fitzwilliam, who would seem to be somewhat of a freethinker on such matters, declared, that he viewed the ceremony of a coronation as little better than an idle and ridiculous pageant. Would the loyalty of noble Lords, he asked, be augmented by the childish ceremony of putting coronets upon their heads, and compelling them to walk in an absurd procession ? He avowed his opiniou, that coronations were only suitable to some barbarous ages, and hinted, that he was by no means certain that the

exhibition of a youthful Princess to a staring populace, was consistent with feminine delicacy. These philosophical remarks called up the Marquess of Salisbury, who said, that he was less affected by the idle taunts of Lord Fitzwilliam, than by the public acknowledgment, made to all the world, that this great country could not afford to give a dinner to its Sovereign. "I thank God, however," exclaimed the noble Marquess, with great emphasis, "that her Majesty's ministers have not relinquished the sacred part of the ceremony; I thank God, too, that my Sovereign will do her duty."

The Marquess of Londonderry, apparently unable to credit the evidence of his hearing, asked, whether he was to understand that Lord Fitzwilliam was of opinion, that there ought to be no coronation at all?

To which question, the Earl, nothing abashed, stoutly answered in the affirmative. "Then," rejoined the Marquess, "I suppose that the noble Earl is prepared to follow up that proposition by another-that there ought to be no longer an Earl Fitzwilliam."

A few weeks subsequent to this conversation, the Marquess of Londonderry returned to the subject, by inquiring if it were true that the foreign ambassadors had consented to take that part in the proposed procession which was assigned to them in the programme. Upon being informed by Lord Melbourne, that such undoubtedly was the fact, the marquess condemned the arrangement, as in the highest degree unbecoming and ridiculous.

Lord Brougham remarked, that the arrangement in question might

be unprecedented, without, therefore, being improper; and added, that he considered it to be an unusual testimony of the amity of foreign powers, that not only ambassadors, but even personages of royal blood, had arrived in England, for the purpose of being present at the ceremony.*

The coronation took place on the 28th of June; for the details of that ceremony together with its attendant circumstances, the reader is referred to the second part of our annals. The only novel feature of importance, we believe, which was exhibited on this occasion, consisted in the before-mentioned substitution of a procession through the streets, for the banquet in Westminster Hall. And the result certainly justified this deviation from the ancient usage; for it seemed as if the entire people -no longer an abstraction or a phrase-but the nation,-all ages, sexes, conditions, trades, arts, and professions-embodied visibly into one harmonious and exalted whole, had come abroad to greet the youthful sovereign. "The earth" says an animated writer of the day, "was alive with men, the habitations, in the line of march, cast forth their occupants to the balconies or the house-tops. The windows were lifted out of their frames, and the asylum of private life, that sanctuary which our countrymen guard with such traditional jealousy, was, on this occasion, made accessible to the gaze of the entire world." The beha

Amongst the various promotions which, according to custom, were occasioned by the coronation, we may notice that the Earl of Mulgrave was created Lytton Bulwer, elevated to the rank of Marquess of Normanby, and Mr. E. baronet.

viour of the enormous multitude which lined the streets, and afterwards spread itself over the metropolis, was beyond all praise. Courtesy, reciprocal forbearance, and self-restraint, were every where conspicuous. Of the accidents, which may be looked for when such vast assemblages are brought together, none whatever occurred, and even fewer offences than ordinary, came within the cognizance of the police, upon this most auspicious day.

Not the least remarkable incident of this season was the cordial reception which the populace invariably bestowed on Marshal Soult, Duke of Dalmatia, who appeared at our court as ambassador extraordinary from the French king. The example of the lower orders was followed by the upper, and of all the distinguished foreigners who were collected together in the metropolis, none were so much courted, in all circles, as the gallant marshal. The reason of all this was obvious enough, and it might have been supposed that, even our French neighbours, little as they understand our manners, would have perceived that nothing further was intended by the acclamations which saluted the marshal, wherever he appeared abroad, than achivalrousdemonstration of respect and welcome to an ancient enemy, with whom we had fought many well-contested battles, and whom, by the fortune of war, we had, over and over again, defeated. Not so, however, the French, who ascribed the honours received by the old soldier to political considerations to a sympathy, on the part of our mob, with the minister of the "left centre." Nothing of course could be more absurd. The greater number of those who cheered Marshal Soult,

knew no more about him, than that he was a French general, whom the Duke of Wellington had defeated in Spain, and their only feeling was, that, as he had come among them, they were bound to receive him with the respect due to one who had been a gallant and a formidable enemy; yet it would appear to be a fact, that the marshal's political consequence in France was considerably augmented by these " John Bullish" proceedings on this part of the English populace.

The coronation was succeeded by a series of fêtes and banquets, and it was many weeks before the metropolis was divested of its gala appearance. It should be mentioned, that the corporation of London, never backward in hospitality, invited the foreign ambassadors to a splendid entertainment, where were collected to meet them, without distinction of party, the most illustrious personages of our own country. On this occasion, likewise, Marshal Soult was received with the same enthusiasm which had every where greeted his appearance.

The coronation of George the Fourth, it is stated, cost 243,000l.; the expenses incurred for that of his successor did not exceed 50,000l. The charges on the present occasion amounted to about 70,000l. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in explaining the causes of this slight excess, said, that it was in no respect occasioned by any portion of the ceremonial peculiarly connected with the sovereign, but had been incurred with a view of enabling the great mass of the people to participate in this national festivity.

The right hon. gentleman proceeded to remark, that he spoke on

good authority, when he said, that the public had voluntarily paid for seats commanding a view of the procession, no less a sum than 200,000l. And that 400,000 individuals had been added to the ordinary metropolitan population, of a million and a half. And never, said the right hon. gentleman, was there given to a sovereign, or to a country, a more exalted proof of good conduct and discretion, than was afforded by the assembled multitude on this occasion.

The House of Commons having disposed of the Irish Municipal Bill, proceeded, on the 2d of July, to take into consideration Lord John Russell's Tithe resolutions. On the motion for going into committee, Mr. Ward opened an attack upon ministers, for abandoning the appropriation principle. He said, that, as to sinecures and abuses in the Irish Church, Sir R. Peel had declared himself to be a reformer. What, then, was the difference which led to the overthrow of his government? Was it not his opposition to the principle of appropriation? He had adhered to his opinion upon that particular point, and had thereby sacrificed place and power. Mr. Ward then expressed himself rather strongly with respect to the conduct of ministers on this question. The speech made by Lord John Russell on Sir T. Acland's motion, was, he thought, "inconsistent with his honour." It was a further inconsistency, that the resolution in favour of appropriation should stand on the journals of the House, if it were not to be carried into effect. There were two courses open to the House. One was, that they should abide by the principle which on five different occasions they had af

firmed; that they should not try to give this principle any practical effect, but wait till time and public opinion enabled them to do so. This course would be consistent, and fought, in his opinion, to be followed. The other course was at once to admit that they had been in error-that the gentlemen opposite were right and they were wrong; and that, having broken up two governments on this principle, they were now ready to abandon it, and to admit that it was erroneous. The hon. member concluded, by moving a series of resolutions for the appropriation of the surplus revenues of the Irish Church to the moral and religious education of all classes.

Mr. Hawes having seconded the motion,

Lord Morpeth said, that, in his opinion, the substantial justice of the question remained where it was when they adopted the resolutions of 1835, and when, recently, they refused to rescind them. But, it was further his opinion, that a period had arrived in 1888, after the experience of three successive years, when it became a matter of paramount duty to terminate the differences arising out of the state of the tithe question.

Mr. Hume said, that the situation in which he and others were placed was extremely unpleasant. [Loud laughter.]

It appeared that it was the object of the government to remedy the abuses in the present system of the Irish Church, as far as it was possible with the concurrence of the other side of the House; for the whole question appeared to rest with them. Now, his own opinion was, that it was vain and useless to attempt to gain anything by means of conciliation. If he thought