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nature, substantially certifies to the honesty, fitness and capacity of the persons for whom he votes, there will be many who will think before they write. This will be some progress towards the selection of the better men. Many ballots will not, as heretofore, be taken from the hands of partisan friends at the polls, and deposited without examination; they will be prepared at home, where writing facilities more abound. And he who quietly sits down to make up his ticket, in view of the fact that he is about to give it his endorsement and written approval, unless fast bound by the fetters of party, will weigh the merits of the respective nominees and withhold his signature from that ballot upon which is printed the name of one who, with little, if any, principle of his own, is put forward as the representative of the principles of a party. He will hesitate before he will favor the re-election of another, who has gone into office poor, and without other visible means of livelihood, has added houses to houses and lands to lands, using the opportunities afforded him by a trusting constituency into means for enriching himself by malversation in office.

Mr. Chairman, before election day and the heat of the campaign has come, the mutterings of good citizens are heard of their determination to repudiate obnoxious nominations, and not to be the mere machines to register the edicts of party conventions. They may mean not to be bound by the action of nominating bodies, in which they charge the delegates were bought like sheep, or overawed or bullied by roughs. But the time of high political excitement comes, the sway of party is very powerful, its ascendency must be preserved, scruples vanish and the nominees are supported. By inany, and oftentimes this is done, because the identity of the ticket voted is lost in the multitude in the box, no personal responsibility seemingly attaching to it, it is not as expressive of the individual judgment of the voter upon the qualifications of the candidates as if it contained his signature. There are thousands who have mentally revolted from voting for their party nominees, and who, with great reluctance, have voted for them at last, who never would have done so if required to affix

their signature to the ballot containing improper names.

The restraints and domination of party are growing less powerful with large numbers. Very many in our Commonwealth have resolved that the bare fact of nominations, by whatever means, shall not be conclusive of fitness and capacity. They will not wear the collar of party when required to support and endorse the profligate and the corrupt. They are eagerly looking forward to the day when it shall not be complained that in some portions of the State the wickedness of the few over-rules and nullifies the will of the many; when the elections shall be everywhere as fairly and honestly conducted as they are in the large majority of our districts. These will not hesitate to attest, by their signatures, the integrity and fitness of those for whom their votes are cast, although they are not of the same partisan faith.

The vast majority of those who compose the great political parties of the country, bitterly denounce any violation, by whatever persons committed, of the purity of the ballot-box, and will sustain and approve such safeguards as may be devised for its protection. The plan proposed by the committee may not be perfect; it will give more trouble to the elector, and may at times subject him to inconvenience; but I shall vote for it, because it will prevent fraud, will protect the lawful voter, will tend to fill our offices with the better candidates, and, when frauds are committed, will point the way to their detection.

Mr. BARTHOLOMEW. Mr. Chairman: I do not propose to occupy much of the time of the committee in the discussion of the question, that is, I do not mean to be betrayed into a speech. I am opposed to the pending amendment, and in favor of the report of the committee. If the committee should see proper to reject the pending amendment, I propose to amend the section, by moving to strike out the word "shall," in the fourth line, and inserting the word "may." I shall oppose the pending amendment, because I do not think it preserves to the section the curative properties as against existing evils that is contained in the report of the committee. It is most true that the section, as reported, would give to the large cities

and some other parts of the Commonwealth, Luzerne and Schuylkill counties, an opportunity to reach evils and restore purity to the ballot-box. It would give to the minority, or to those in opposition to a majority to the election board, or to those suspecting frauds, an opportunity to prevent, or at least to detect them. I believe, under the system, the identification of the ticket is beyond question. But, Mr. Chairman, whilst I appreciate the merits, yet with the compulsory clause striking down the secrecy of the ballot, I also fear evils of great magnitude. True, we have heard much said in this Convention upon the manhood of the American citizen, or at least of that manhood he should possess, that manhood which should impel men, without any consideration except that of high duty, to step forward and proclaim their choice at the polling place. I say, if our people were actuated by this motive alone, this proposition of open or viva voce voting would be all that could be desired; but, unfortunately, we are not a community of angels; we are simply men, imperfect, with all the human infirmities clinging to us. We are liable to be swayed by selfishness and interest; from this we cannot be freed. This is the lot of mankind, the common heritage of humanity. Our being Americans does not, of itself, make us better than other men, of men who have lived in other lands and who have passed away.

It has been said, by the gentleman from Philadelphia, (Mr. Woodward,) that he is in favor of viva voce voting-pure and simple-that he would go one step in advance of the report of the committee, as he is a firm believer in that manhood which should induce one and all of us to proclaim openly and boldly his political .choice. If this principle could apply solely to the gentleman I think it would be proper, but we have other voters in the Commonwealth, and so far as the mass is concerned I am of the opinion that it would be highly improper, at least in all localities. Now let us see, what does this eiva voce voting mean? Why at every polling booth where viva voce voting is the rule we have much of the same dishonesty in a portion of the voters, accompanied by interminable instances of confusion confounded, violence and bloodshed. Look at the working of the system

in England. We have the humorous sketches of Dickens, the "independent voter of Etanswill" is known to us alì, and has amused us all. Bulwer has given us a more exact and reliable portrayture of the system in the bitter and bloody contests of the Buffs and Blues; and this system, so much lauded by gentlemen on this floor, is on the eve of change in this very England, where it has been tried so long, to give way, it is said, to the secret ballot, for the reason of the constantly recurring scenes of violence at their elections. And yet this people are of those who settle their disputes with muscle, with the fist; they take to the ring. There is a wide difference, however, between the English and American people, for some reason, probably owing to our inheritance of the qualities of our ancestors, those qualities that conquered a continent and made the waste places bloom, won an independent nationality and suppressed internal violence. We hold human life at too little value; we are familiar with, and, let me say, too fond of deadly weapons. And I undertake to say, if open or viva voce voting is adopted in Pennsylvania, and the rival parties become excited by those animosities which are usually and ordinarily engendered by a political campaign, that an election day in this State would be a day of battle from the lake to the river, and every polling booth would be a slaughter pen. Why, I remember an instance that occurred in Virginia, where viva voce voting is the mode of expressing the will of the people. Major Dixson, in 1860, lived at Culpepper Court House, and in that year had the temerity to vote for Abraham Lincoln. He had scarcely uttered the name before four pistols were fired at him, two of which took effect. The name of Lincoln was unpopular in that section at that time, and it was exceedingly unhealthy for any one to support him.

This would be repeated in other States. Who can doubt it? Everywhere the pis. tol, billy and bludgeon would be used; the old argument, "wid sticks," would be in vogue, and I fear a prevailing violence throughout the land. I am in favor of the optional principle. I believe if it is adopted it will not only prove a benefit to those parts of the State where frauds have and are likely to be practiced, but will give satisfaction to those who cling to

the old landmark of secret ballot. Frauds can then be detected in corrupt localities, and the people relieved from the great burdens, otherwise imposed upon them by this section, where there is no apprehension of frauds. In the event of investigation the provisions contained in the section supply ample remedy for identification of the tickets, and will secure a count of votes honestly cast. Courts will have an opportunity of ascertaining, with some degree of certainty, the perpetration of fraud.

I desire, however, to say just a few words upon the other branch of the question-the retention of the secret ballot provision, or rather the proposed insertion of it by the amendment I have indicated. In every land upon which the sun has ever shown, from the beginning to this hour, there has existed an aristocracy, or a class who have secured to themselves special privileges, and with rights above other men. This class has been designated, in some lands, the nobility, and they are esteemed to be of the best blood of their race, or pre-eminent for some quality. In this country we recognize no such class, and hold that all are free and equal before the law; that all stand alike; but for this nobility we have substituted another-the railroad corporations now covering the land. They to-day are in the exercise of special privileges, such as no aristocracy of the world could ever boast, and I take it that any man, in the light of coming events, one who looks a few years into the future, one who now sees the growing, the expanding, the overwhelming power of corporations, the power they must necessarily exercise in the future over the political affairs, nay, the fate of the country, is willing to strike down the secrecy of the ballot, the only protection he has against his master.

The gentlemen from Philadelphia (Mr. Woodward) says it is peculiarly necessary that the secret ballot should be adopted in England, and that there are many reasons for it there that do not obtain here. He says, in England the lands are owned by the nobility, that the tenantry are poor and humble, that in the exercise of election or suffrage they are under the watchful eye of the middleman, the agent of the landlord, and they hold them accountable for the way in

which they exercise this privilege. I say to him there is an aristocracy to-day in Pennsylvania which is as far above the aristocracy of England, as the sun exceeds in brightness the star, grasping and jealous, demanding an unquestioned support from their retainers-this we will soon realize in less than a life time. Why we know that there is one corporation, in our midst, that holds eighty thousand acres of land, and has untold millions of wealth beneath the soil ready for development, and every man who lives upon the soil is a serf, as much a serf as Wamba, the son of Witless, who was the bondman of Cedric, the Saxon, and for these I claim that the secret ballot, not for the poor shrinking creature, afraid of his daily bread, but every man in favor of individual enterprise, every man who desires the uncontrolled exercice of his energy and talents, let them retain this protection against that principle and those who desire to absorb all material and political power to themselves.

The State is already divided. Two or three corporations possess the fairest portions of our Commonwealth. Can we rest under the illusion that they will be content with the aggregation of material wealth? No, power is grasping and will not be satisfied with this power alone; it will aim at political power as incident and accessory to the other, and for this purpose strive to control those in their employ absolutely to the coercion of their individual will or conviction. I am, for these reasons, opposed to striking out the principle of secret ballot. None of us are free from the motive of interest. I know that men cannot withstand its blandishments. I am not of those who claim great purity for myself. I only desire to stand with the ordinary average of mankind, at least in profession. I am not a stilted moralist; acts I judge from. The "proof of the pudding is in the eating," and it is for poor weak humanity, such as I am myself, that I claim the principle of secret ballot as against power, and I beg of the committee not to take from the people the only power they possess and leave them armless and defenceless to the control of the greatest of apprehended evils in this land. Give thein this at least, together with that which is

curative of fraud. Our danger is great, our enemy powerful, but this principle we can struggle on, and, like the Argyle, fall with our feet to the foe.

Mr. AINEY. Mr. Chairman: It is evident this discussion will not be closed to-day. I therefore rise to move that the committee rise.

If members will turn to rule six that this Convention has adopted, they will find that after to-day we shall have no president pro tem.

The CHAIRMAN. Does the Chair understand the gentleman from Lehigh to move that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again?

Mr. AINEY. Yes, sir.

The motion was agreed to. The committee rose, and Mr. Walker resumed the chair.

IN CONVENTION.

The CHAIRMAN of the committee of the whole reported that the committee had further considered the report of the Coinmittee on Suffrage, Election and Representation, reported progress and asked leave to sit again.

The PRESIDENT. When will the Convention grant the committee of the whole leave to sit again.

Monday and to-morrow were both named.

The question was first taken on Monday, and a division being called, less than a majority of a quorum voted in the affirmative. So to-morrow was named for the next session of the committee.

THE PRESIDENT PRO TEM.

Mr Ainey. Mr. President: I offer the following resolution :

The PRESIDENT. That can only be done by common consent.

Mr. NILES. Mr. President: I object. Mr. AINEY. Will the Chair be kind enough to state on what grounds?

The PRESIDENT. The Chair cannot tell. A single objection will prevent the reception of the resolution.

Mr. AINEY. Mr. President: Then I move that the rules be suspended to allow the resolution to be received.

Mr. MACVEAGH. Mr. President: May we not have the resolution read for information?

The PRESIDENT. The Chair has no objection.

Mr. STANTON. Mr. President: I hope the objection will be withdrawn, so that we may act upon it without further loss of time.

[Several members. "I object!” “I object!"]

Mr. BOYD. Mr. President: Can a resolution be read when it is objected to, at this time?

The PRESIDENT. If the gentleman from Dauphin, or any gentleman, desires it to be read for information, the Chair will allow it to be done.

The CLERK read:

WHEREAS, Ten days having expired since the appointment of a president pro tem., and

WHEREAS, Rule six provides that a president pro tem. shall be chosen by this Convention after ten days shall have expired,

Resolved, That Hon. Wm. H. Armstrong be and he is hereby chosen President pro tem. of this Convention.

The motion to suspend the rules was not agreed to.

Mr. HAY. Mr. President: I move to adjourn on this motion.

The yeas and nays were required by Mr. Worrall and Mr. Heverin, and were as follow, viz:

YEAS.

Messrs. Baer, Baily, (Perry,) Baker, Bartholomew, Black, J. S., Boyd, Brodhead, Broomall, Brown, Campbell, Cassidy, Craig, Cronmiller, Curtin, Darlington, Dunning, Edwards, Elliott, Ellis, Ewing, Fell, Guthrie, Hay, Heverin Hopkins, Hunsicker, Kaine, Knight, Lamberton, Lawrence, Lilly, Littleton, M'Allister, M'Camant, M'Clean, Mann, Niles, Patton, Porter, Smith, W. H., Turrell, Walker, White, Harry, White, J. W. F., Woodward and Worrell-46.

NAYS.

Messrs. Achenbach, Addicks, Ainey, Alricks, Beebe, Biddle, Black, Chas. A., Carter, Church, Collins, Corbett, Corson, De France, Gilpin, Hanna, Hazzard, Howard, Landis, MacConnell, MacVeagh, Mantor, Metzger, Minor, Mott, Newlin, Parsons, Patterson, T. H. B., Read, John R., Reynolds, James L., Russell, Sharpe, Simpson, Stanton, Temple, Wetherill, J. M., Wetherill, Jno. Price, Wherry and ,White, David N.-33.

So the motion to adjourn was agreed to.

ABSENT OR NOT VOTING.-Messrs. Andrews, Armstrong, Bailey, (Huntingdon,) Bardsley, Bowman, Bannan, Barclay, Buckalew, Carey, Clark, Cochran, Curry, Cuyler, Dallas, Davis, Dodd, Finney, Fulton, Funck, Gibson, Gowen, Hall, Harwey, Hemphill, Horton, Lear, Long, M'Culloch, M'Murray, Palmer, G. W., Palmer, H. W., Patterson, D. W., Pughe, Purman, Purviance, John N., Purviance, Sam'l A., Reed, Andrew, Reynolds, S. H., Rooke, Ross, Runk, Smith, H. G., Smith, Henry W., Stewart, Struthers, Van Reed, Wright and Meredith, President-49.

Mr. ARMSTRONG. Mr. President: Before the Convention is adjourned I desire to be heard for one moment.

The PRESIDENT. It will require unaniUnanimous consent was given and Mr. Armstrong proceeded.

mous consent.

I certainly feel very grateful to the kind feeling on the part of my friend from Lehigh, (Mr. Ainey,) which has doubtless dictated the resolution which has been presented. It has taken me quite by surprise, and was offered wholly without

my knowledge. Of course, I am not insensible to the high honor which would be conferred upon any gentleman in this Convention, by being called upon to preside, at any time, over its deliberations. But it so chanced, and very casually, that I called upon Mr. Meredith this morning, as I have done before, and had a very pleasant interview with him. This morning he was able to be up, sitting in his chair, feeling much more comfortable than he had been previously, and he told me that he expected to be in the Convention to-morrow. If not to-morrow, he said he certainly would, no doubt, be able to be here on Monday. I therefore think it would be, under these circumstances, wise and best that no further consideration of this resolution, or of any similar resolution, should, at this time, engage the attention of the Convention.

I desire to so express myself that I might not be misunderstood in relation to the action which has just been taken.

The President then adjourned the Convention at half-past two P. M., until eleven o'clock to-morrow morning.

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