the successful rival who succeeded him in the Presidency, having been elected to it by the Republican or Anti-Federalist party.

The eight-years' administration of Jefferson, like those of Washington and Adams, was not fruitful in matters of historical interest, but was marked by great public prosperity. Jefferson was a philosopher and a man of peace, and although provoked almost beyond endurance by the injuries which France and England continued to inflict on American commerce, and by the impressment of seamen and hostility to the United States, yet he abstained from plunging the nation into war. He made a great mistake in his "embargo," which pleased only those who had no ships to rot on the wharves, without inflicting serious injury on British manufactures, and he made himself ridiculous by his gunboats as a means of national defence. With him anything was better than

war.

And here he was probably right, considering the defenceless state of the country with all its financial embarrassments. His great aim was to pay off the national debt, and develop industries. But he was hostile to a national bank and Federal tariffs on foreign goods for protection to domestic manufactures. He threw his influence into measures for the welfare of farmers rather than of manufacturers and merchants. As his party had acquired undisputed ascendency, old political animosities died out. Although a Democrat (as the Republican party had come to be called), succeeding a Federalist administration, he made very few removals from office. His policy was pacific and conciliatory, and his popularity increased with the national prosperity. He was the most long-sighted of all American politicians, seeing that political power hereafter would be lodged with the common people, and he adapted himself to their wants, their prejudices and their aspirations.

Though born on a plantation, he was democratic in his

sympathies. He was no orator like John Adams; indeed, he could not make a speech at all; but he could write public documents with masterly abilities, and was fond of writing letters. His greatest feat was the purchase of Louisiana from France, but his administration was most memorable for departing from the policy of Washington and Adams, in breaking away from the courtly formality and dignity of official life and inaugurating an era of popular "republican simplicity." The day of strong central Federalism in government gave way to the reactionary Democracy. Jefferson was an original thinker and a natural opponent of authority, whether in politics or religion. For his own epitaph he described himself as "Author of the Declaration of Independence and of the statute of Virginia for religious freedom."

Jefferson bequeathed to his successor, Madison, the responsibility of settling the growing difficulties with Great Britain. Madison was the disciple, admirer and friend of Jefferson, through whose influence he had been weaned from Federalism, which originally he had adopted. He, too, one of the most able statesmen of the times, and one of the most enlightened, would have kept the country from drifting into war had that been in his power. He clearly saw that the nation was unprepared -that it had neither an army or navy of any size; but the unabated insults of the English government, the continual injuries it inflicted on American commerce, and its haughty and arrogant tone in all negotiations, were infuriating Congress and the American people. It became clear that war was simply a choice of evils-that the nation must either submit to humiliation and dishonor, or risk disaster, the defeat of armies and the increase of the national debt. The war of 1812 was without glory on the land, being a miserable series of blunders and misfortunes on the part of generals, and with

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out results at all gratifying to American pride. And it was also regarded as unnecessary by those who were most injured by naval depredations. It was popular only among those who lived in the interior, and who cherished the traditions of Bunker Hill and of Yorktown. Its calamities were indeed partially redeemed by naval successes, which shed renown on such captains as Decatur, Barron and Bainbridge. It might have been more successful if the whole people had been united in it, to accomplish a distinctive practical object, as in the French and Indian War when Canada was conquered, or in the Revolutionary struggle for liberty. But it had no specific aims except to vindicate national honor. As such it was not without important results. It convinced England, at least, that the Americans would no longer be trifled with, and that all future hostilities, whichever way they terminated, would inflict evils without corresponding benefits. The war doubtless gave a great stimulus to the infant manufactures of the country, and various kinds of industries, since the people were driven to them by necessity, and thus helped to build up New England in spite of its ruined commerce. The war also scattered wealth and inflated prices. All wars have this effect; but it demoralized the people like the Revolutionary War itself, notwithstanding the great bonus it bestowed.

Both countries were glad when the war terminated, for both were equal sufferers, and, to all appearances, gained but trifling advantages. In the peace which was consummated at Ghent, of which John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay were the chief negotiators, nothing was said about the injuries which provoked the contest, but they never were forgotten, and the United States were doubtless put on a better footing with foreign powers. From that time national progress was more rapid than before, and all classes settled down to peaceful prosperity and to improving their condition.

The only event of importance which occurred during Madison's administration, after the close of the war, was the cession of Florida to the United States in 1819, negotiated by John Quincy Adams, but opposed by Henry Clay. The latter great man had now become one of the most prominent figures in American politics, and his entrance upon the political arena marked the growing importance of Congress in the domestic affairs of the country at large. From this time the abler statesmen in the Na tional Legislature obtained by their debates a greater prominence in the public eye than even the Executive itself.

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This was true especially during the administration of Madison's successor, Monroe, who was more distinguished for respectability than eminent abilities-the last of the Virginia dynasty." His name has been particularly associated with a declaration made in his message to Congress in March, 1822, that, "as a principle, the American Continents, by the free and independent position they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any foreign power." This is known as "the Monroe doctrine," although it should probably be credited to John Quincy Adams, Monroe's Secretary of State.

During the times of "good feeling" and absence of party animosities which marked the administration of Monroe, two great men, Daniel Webster and Henry Clay, appeared in the halls of Congress destined to make a mark in the domestic history of the nation. And there was one event which happened during the same period, the political consequences of which were of great importance, the work of these rising statesmen rather than of the President. This was the famous Missouri Compromise, marking the first conflict between slavery and freedom-a question which thenceforward dwarfed all other

subjects of national interest. Thitherto the great ques tion had been kept in the background, but in 1818 a bill was introduced into Congress proposing the admission of Missouri into the Union, which when it reached the Senate was amended by Mr. Tallmadge of New York, providing that slaves should not be rurther introduced into the State. Angry discussions followed, and although the amendment was adopted, the question was not lost sight of, but for two years engaged the intensest interest of Congress and the public, until in 1821 a compromise was effected by Henry Clay, by which slavery was forever excluded from United States territory north of 36° 30' of latitude, and west of the western boundary of Missouri. This admitted Missouri as a slave State, but drew the line of demarcation at that.

The administration of John Quincy Adams, Monroe's successor, was unmarked by important political events, and he quietly continued the policy of his predecessor, making but few removals from office. He had been a Federalist, but swung round to the Republican or Democratic party. No one since Washington was so little of a partisan as this President, and no one was ever more conscientious in the discharge of the duties of his office. But he was not popular. Neither his habits nor opinions gained him friends, while they created many enemies, the most implacable of whom was General Jackson, who considered himself cheated out of the Presidency by a supposed coalition between Adams and Clay, on which he harped to the day of his death.

In 1829 the public career of John Quincy Adams apparently closed, but his best days were yet to come as the champion of human freedom in the House of Representatives. His most distinctive trait of character was moral heroism. He had a lofty self-respect which prevented him from conciliating foes, or rewarding friends; an old Puritan, sternly incorruptible, disdaining policy