"We likewise beseech his most Christian Majesty to send with the k- our sovereign, arms for twenty-five thousand foot, and five thousand horse or dragoons, to arm our troops, and to be kept in reserve, together with powder and balls in proportion, and also some pieces of artillery, bombs, grenades, &c. with officers of artillery, engineers and cannoneers. We submit also in this, to whatever shall be settled between the two kings.

"We have desired colonel Hooke to represent to his most Christian Majesty, the time we judge most proper for this expedition, as also the several places of landing, and those for erecting magazines. with our reasons for each; and we most humbly beseech his Majesty to choose that which he shall like best.

"And whereas, several of this nation, and a great number of the English, have forgot their duty towards their Sovereign, we take the liberty to acquaint his most Christian Majesty, that we have represented to our k—, what we think his Majesty should do to pacify the minds of his people, and to oblige the most obstinate to return to their duty, with respect to the Protestant religion and other things, which it will be necessary for him to grant to the Protestants. We most humbly thank his most Christian Majesty, for hopes he has given us by colonel Hooke, of our having our privileges restored in France, and of seeing our k— and this nation included in the future peace; and we beseech his Majesty to settle this affair with the k- our sovereign.

"We have fully informed colonel Hooke of several things, which we have desired him to represent to his most Christian Majesty.

"And in the pursuit of this great design, we are resolved mutually to bind ourselves by the strictest and most sacred ties, to assist one another in this common cause, to forget all family differences, and to concur sincerely, and with all our hearts, without jealousy or distrust, like men of honour, in so just and glorious an enterprise. In testimony whereof, we have signed these presents, the seventh day of the month of May, of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven.". Signed-ERROL, PANMURE, STORMONT, KINNAIRD, JAMES

OGILVIE, N. MORAY, N. KEITH, DRUMMOND, THOMAS FOTHERINGHAM, ALEXANDER Innes.*

The last clause of the above Memorial was added by the duke of Athole, who ordered the lord Stormont to sign it for him. The duke of Athole also proposed sending Ogilvie of Boyn into France, along with Hooke, in his own name, and that of the other chiefs. Hooke, however, declined to take Ogilvie under his protection, and the duke, thinking it necessary he should go, if it was only to bring back the answer of his most Christian Majesty to their Memorial, resolved to send him over in a neutral vessel.

Besides signing the Memorial for the duke of Athole, lord Stormont, according to Hooke, signed it for the earls of Nithsdale, Traquair, Galloway, and Home, and the lords Kenmure, Nairn, Sinclair, Semple, and Oliphant. Lord Drummond signed it in "name of the others, that is to say, of all the chieftains of the Highlands of the west of Scotland." The laird of Albercanie,§ chief of the family of Murray, signed for himself, and for the lords Fintry and Newton. Lord Braidalbine refused to sign, but promised to appear among the first, as soon as the chevalier had made good his landing. The earl of Strathmore signed for himself, and for the earls of Wigton and Linlithgow. Lyon of Auchterhouse signed for himself and for Lockhart of Carnwath; Fotheringhame of Powrie for himself, and for the whole shire of Angus, delivering into the hands of Hooke, a list of all its nobility, of whom, he said, he was certain. The duke of Gordon refused to sign, because it required the personal presence of the chevalier de St. George, and he could not think of exposing him to the dangers of war. Sir Alexander Innes of Coxtoun, signed for himself and for the earl of Murray, and for Grant of Grant. The earl of Errol signed for himself, for the earls of Caithness, Eglinton, Aberdeen, and Buchan, for lord Saltoun, and for the shires of Aberdeen and Mearns. The great Marshall, being taken ill at Edinburgh, commissioned the laird of Keith to sign for him,

* Hooke's Secret Negotiations, pp. 83-91. + Ibid. p. 63.

‡ Ibid. p. 63.

Probably Murray of Abercairny.

and to promise twenty-eight field pieces, and two battering cannon, from his castle of Dunolgo,* on the east of Scotland.+

The time, and the proper places for landing, forming magazines, &c. were also carefully considered, and the colonel charged to make their sentiments on these heads known to his most Christian Majesty. The month of August or September, was pointed out as the most proper time, suiting best the convenience of his most Christian Majesty, and most likely to ensure the safety of the succours that he might be pleased to send, from the circumstances of the campaign on the continent being, by that time, likely to be drawing to a close, while the enemy's fleets would, in all probability, be upon the distant coasts of Spain and Portugal. Three places were proposed for landing, Edinburgh, Kirkcudbright, and Montrose. The first was especially recommended by its port, Leith, where the ships of his most Christian Majesty might ride in perfect safety, while the chevalier made himself master of the capital, of all the higher courts, of the sources of money and of trade, and at the same instant, disperse the functionaries of the present government. The feelings and temper of the inhabitants, who were supposed to be very generally in the interests of the chevalier, were also urged, as recommending this place to his particular attention, while the glory of the enterprise, the terror it would strike into his enemies, the abundant supplies of every description, in the midst of which he would be placed, and the facility with which he could thence march into England, were all severally brought forward, to induce him to make his first attempt upon the capital of his ancient kingdom of Scotland. Kirkcudbright was recommended, as in the midst of the Presbyterians, and in the neighbourhood of those shires capable of furnishing the greatest number of horses, within reach of their friends in the north of England, and not far distant from Ireland, whence they might reasonably expect very material assistance. The passage too, it was added, from Brest to this place, was short and easy, and the landing here would be peculiarly gratifying to the Presbyterians. The chevalier's

*Dunnottar, now the most majestic ruin in Scotland.

+ Hooke's Secret Negotiations, pp. 65—69.

principal friends, however, did not think it advisable for him to put himself into their hands. Montrose had also its advocates, particularly, as a place capable of being fortified, being strong by its natural situation, standing in the midst of the chevalier's best friends, and having all the shires behind it staunch to his interest. At the same time, they left it entirely to his own judgment and conveniency, which of the three he might adopt.*

It was further given in charge to Hooke, to request the chevalier to say nothing on the subject of religion, further than to promise, to be directed by his first parliament. It was hoped also, that he would grant a general amnesty, without any exceptions, and that he would promise to set at liberty, all the vassals of such as should oppose him, that such vassals might be induced to take arms in his behalf. The colonel was also directed, to represent to his most Christian Majesty, "that the French people were as much loved in Scotland, as they were hated in England—that the Scotish people still retain a pleasing remembrance of their ancient alliances, and preserve several French idioms, and terms of expression in their language, which are not used in England; that France is therefore always dear to them; and that they promise themselves the deliverance of their country, and the restoration of their king, under his Majesty's protection."+

Having thus visited the principal families in Scotland, particularly in the north, and north-east parts of the country, and taken their bond to appear for James and France, with all the means of men and money they could command, Hooke returned to France, by a ship that waited for him upon the north coast, sometime in the end of May, carrying with him letters from the principal of them to the chevalier de St. George, who, he assured them, would be in Scotland, to receive their grateful homage, by the month of August.‡

Hooke appears all along, to have considered his mission as one of high honour, and of great importance, and on his return to France, he triumphed not a little over the earl of Middle

* Hooke's Secret Negotiations, pp. 73-75.

† Ibid. pp. 79, 80.

Lockhart Papers, vol. i. p. 233.

ton, whose friends in Scotland, he scrupled not to accuse with a want of zeal for the honour and interests of him, whom they were pleased to dignify with the appellation of their king.* His reception among the Scotish nobility, at that time proverbial for pride, was certainly such as might have encouraged confidence in a mind less subject to the inspirations of vanity than that of colonel Hooke; but advantage had been taken of his sanguine disposition, to flatter, rather than to inform him; and, in not a few instances, he certainly was grossly imposed upon. This was particularly the case with regard to the representations of the dutchess of Gordon, and Ker of Kersland, respecting the Presbyterians, whom they reported to be perfectly in the interest of the pretender, and ready to aid him at all hazards, with thirteen thousand men. The dutchess was very hearty in the cause herself, and no doubt wished the Presbyterians to be so too, and may therefore be supposed to have believed what she stated to be matter of fact; but Ker of Kersland was a spy, in the pay of government, and purposely misrepresented the Presbyterians, in order to come, by that means, at the secrets of Hooke, which he certainly did, and as certainly communicated them to the British government.+

* Lockhart Papers, vol. i. p. 232. It was the common saying of Lockhart's children, "truly our king lives in France." Memoirs of North Britain, p. 26.

+ Ker's name was originally Crawford, but, on marrying the heiress of Kersland, he assumed the name of Ker, and along with it, pretended to assume the principles by which the Kers had been long and honourably dis tinguished. In consequence of these pretensions, he was admitted to some meetings of the Old Dissenters, though it does not appear that he ever succeeded in gaining much of their confidence. He certainly, however, had more of it than he deserved, as his purpose was only to betray them to the government, whose spy, at the solicitations of the duke of Queensberry, he had become. He also pretended to be a zealous partisan for the pretender, and seems to have perfectly succeeded in deceiving the Jacobites, who communicated with him generally without reserve. He obtained from queen Anne, after having communicated to her government, the whole of Hooke's negotiations, a patent for his roguery in the following words.

"Whereas, we are fully sensible of the fidelity and loyalty of John Ker of Kersland, Esq., and of the services he hath performed to us and our government: We therefore grant him this, our Royal Leave and Licence, to keep