trines, highly derogatory to the honour and the authority of government, were too generally preached, from many of the English pulpits, loyalty, submission, and good order, could not be openly and publicly inculcated in many places, but at the hazard of being torn to pieces upon the spot for so doing. Even in the city of London, Mr. Joseph Aires, vicar of Blewbery, Berks, narrowly escaped with his life, for preaching a loyal sermon in Whitechapel church; and when the murderers at Bristol were put upon their trial, such was the violence of the popular feeling in their favour, that the course of justice was completely obstructed, and though some convictions took place, the result was such, as rather to strengthen and irritate, than to allay the turbulent and refractory spirit of the people of that district.*

In order to encourage these hopeful beginnings, on the part of his friends, the chevalier, perfectly aware of all that was going on, issued, about the middle of November, a declaration, dated at Plombiers, August the twenty-ninth, 1714, in which be sets forth, not only the violation of his own hereditary right to the kingdoms of Britain and Ireland, but of the interests of all the sovereign princes of Europe, complains bitterly of the ruin of the English monarchy, and the sufferings of the late king his father, of blessed memory, by the unjustifiable revolution of 1688, which he threatens, or predicts, will be a source of endless wars and divisions, till the succession is again settled in the rightful line. But as we consider this paper too important to be abridged, the reader will find it entire at the foot of the page.†

Rae's History of the Rebellion, &c. pp. 108, 110, 112.

+ James the third, by the grace of God, king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all kings, princes, and potentates, and our loving subjects, greeting.

In such ane extraordinary and important conjunction, in which, not only our hereditary right to our crowns is so unjustly violated, but the interest of all the sovereign princes of Europe is so deeply concerned, wee could not be silent without being wanting to ourselffs and them.

Every body knows that the revolution in the year 1688, ruined the English monarchy, and laid the foundation of a republican government, by devolving the sovereign power on the people, who assembled themselves without any authority, voted themselves a parliament, and assumed a right of deposeing

Copies of this declaration, were forwarded by the French mail, to several persons of quality in England, by whom they were delivered into the hands of the government; and it appearing that the marquis de Lamberti, minister for the

and electing kings, contrarie to the fundamentall laws of the land, and the most express and solemn oathes that christians are capable of taking; and nobody can be ignorant, how unjustly the late king, our father, of blessed memory, suffered by this unjustifyable revolution.

After his demise, his crowns, which the prince of Orange had usurped, being then rightfully ours, according to the fundamentall laws of the land, wee immediately claimed our rights to the same, by a declaration under our great seall, dated at St. Germains, the 8th of October, 1704. And as soon as it pleased divine providence to enable us to attempt the recovery thereoff, wee readily embraced the occasion; and 'tis sufficiently known that the miscarriage of that expedition could not be imputed to us.

When we found after this, that a treaty of peace was upon the point off being concluded, without any regaird had to us, we published our protestation, dated at St. Germains, the 25th of Aprile, 1712, in the most solemn and authentic manner our circumstances would then allow of; asserting thereby our incontestable right to our crowns, and protested against whatever might be stipulated in the said treatie to our prejudice.

Tho' we have been obliged since that tyme to remove from France to a more remot place, we have still continued to have our kingdoms and our people in our view, to whom wee are convinced, that God in his mercy will sooner or later restore us; and, notwithstanding the malice and open rebellion of some, and the forced complyance of others, wee have never ceased to hope, that God would in tyme open our people's eyes, and convince them not only of the notorious injustice done to the crown and us, but of the dangerous consequences thereoff for themselves. It is not our interest alone we are concerned for; our naturall and unalterable love for our people is such, that as wee could not see without grief, their blood and treasure lavisht in the late warr in opposition to our undoubted right, so wee cannot now with less sorrow see them exposed to be subjected to ane arbitrary power, and become a prey to foreigners.

Besydes, that the elector of Brownswick is one of the remotest relations wee have, and consequently, one of the remotest pretenders to our crowns after us, it is evident that nothing is more opposite to the maxims of England in all respects, than that unjust settlement of the succession upon his family. He is a forreinger, a powerful prince, and absolute in his own country, where he has never met with the least contradiction from his subjects. He is ignorant of our laws, manners, customs, and language, and supported by a good army of his own people, besyds the assistance which a neighbouring state is obliged to grant him upon demand, and many thousands of aliens refuged in England these 30 years past, who having their dependance wholly upon him, will be ready to stand by him upon all occasions.

duke of Lorrain at the court of London, had, by himself, or his retainers, been actively employed in circulating copies among the disaffected, in different parts of the country, he was given to understand, that he could not be admitted at court,

Moreover, what can our subjects expect, but endless wars and divisions from subverting so sacred and fundamentall a constitution as that of hereditary right? which has still prevailed against all usurpations, how successful, and for how long time soever continued; the government finding still no rest till it returned again to its own centre. And how can they be ignorant of the just pretensions of so many other princes that are before the house of Hanover, whose right after us will be as undoubted as our own, and who neither want will nor power to assert it in their turns, and to entail a perpetuall warr upon our kingdoms, with a civill warr in their own bowells, which their divisions will make unavoidable.

From all which it is plain, our people can never enjoy any lasting peace or happiness, till they settle the succession again in the rightfull line, and recall us, the immediate lawfull heir, and the only born Englishman now left of the royall family.

This being certainly the true interest of Great Britain, we had reason to hope, that a wise people would not have lost so natural an occasion of recalling us, as they have lately had, since they could not but see, by all the steps we have hitherto made, that we had rather owe our restoration to the good will of our people, than involve them in a warr, though never so just; besides, that they know, or might have known, the reiterated inviolable assurances we have given them under our hand, that whensoever it should please God to restore us, we would make the law of the land the rule of our government; and grant to our subjects a generall indemnity for whatsoever has been done contrary to the said laws; and all the security and satisfaction they could desire, for the preservation of their religion, rights, liberties, and properties.

Yet, contrary to our expectations, upon the death of the princess our sister, (of whose good intentions towards us, we could not for some time past, well doubt, and this was the reason we then satt still, expecting the good effects thereof, which were unfortunately prevented by her deplorable death,) we found that our people, instead of taking this favourable opportunity of retrieving the honour and true interest of their country, by doing us and themselves justice, had immediately proclaimed for their king, a forreign prince, to our prejudice, contrary to the fundamental and incontestable laws of hereditary right, which their pretended acts of settlement, can never abrogate.

After this height of injustice, we then thought ourselves bound in honour and duty, and indispensibly obliged by what we owe to ourself, to our posterity, and to our people, to endeavour to assert our right in the best manner we could. Accordingly, upon the first notice sent us, wee parted from our ordinary residence, in order to repair to some part of our dominions, and there to put ourself at the head of such of our lawfull subjects, as were dis

till such time as he could make it appear, that the chevalier was dismissed from the territories of his master. This order, Lamberti transmitted to Lorrain, and in the meantime, retired to his residence among the tories of Oxford, till he should receive an answer. An answer was speedily returned, but it was not such as to satisfy the British ministry, and the marquis, shortly after, left the country.

To counteract this flood of disloyalty and disorder, the government exerted the most laudable and praiseworthy activity. A proclamation was issued on the second of November, requiring all civil officers to use their utmost diligence

posed to stand by us, and defend us and themselves, from all foreign invasion; but in our passing thro' France, to the sea coast, we were there, not only refused all succour and assistance, upon account of the engagements, that king is under, by the late treaty of peace; but we were even debarred passage, and obliged to turn back to Lorrain.

After meeting with such sensible disappointments on all sides, the only comfort left us, is, that we have done our part at least, to attain our just ends, and have nothing upon that score to reproach ourself with; and as our cause is just, we doubt not but God will, in his own due time, furnish us with new means to support it; and that he will at last touch the hearts of our subjects, with a true sense of the crying injury that they have done us and themselves, and move them effectually to return to their duty.

We likewise hope, that all christian princes and potentates, who are now in peace together, will reflect upon the dangerous example here given them, and y formidable effects they are threatened with, from such an united force, as that of England and Hanover; and that they seriously consider, whether the exorbitant power that now accrews to the house of Brunswick, be consistent with the balance of power, they have been fighting for all this last war. And therefore, we call on them for their assistance, for the recovery of our dominions, which their interest, as well as honour, engages them to grant us, as far as they are able. In the meantime, in the circumstances we are in, wee have nothing left in our power to do at present, but to declare to the world, that as our right is indefeasible, so we are resolved, with the help of God, never to depart from it, but with our life. And therefore, we do here solemnly protest again, in the strongest manner we are capable of, against all injustices, that have been, or shall hereafter be done, to the prejudice of us, our lawful heirs and successors, reserving and asserting, by these presents, under our great seall, all our rights, claims, and pretensions whatsoever, which do, and shall remain, in their full force and vigour, declaring, that after this, we shall not think ourselves answerable, before God or man, for the pernicious consequences, which the new usurpation of our crowns may draw upon our subjects, and upon all christendom.

Given at our court at Plombiers, ye 29th August, 1714.

to bring the violaters of the public peace, to merited punishment; and commanding that, for the suppression of tumults, all existing statutes, from that of Henry IV., should be strictly enforced. The acts of the thirteenth of Charles II., and the first of William and Mary, were also ordered to be fully executed against all papists, nonjurors, &c., "by tendering to them the declaration and oaths therein mentioned, and taking from the refusers thereof, their horses, arms, and ammunition, and using their endeavours to confine them to their houses, as -appointed by an act in the sixth of the late queen. All popish recusants, natives, or denizens, above the age of sixteen, were commanded to repair to their respective places of abode, and not to remove thence, or pass above the distance of five miles, unless thereunto licensed according to law." And to check the impertinence of the clergy, "his majesty, by the advice of his privy council, issued directions to the archbishops and bishops, for preserving unity in the church, purity of the christian faith, and the peace and quiet of the state, charging them strictly to publish them, and to see that they be accordingly observed in their several diocesses." The Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity, a book written and published by Dr. Samuel Clarke, had been, by the lower house of convocation, condemned, as containing assertions contrary to the Catholic faith, and his majesty in these directions, requires his bishops to take care, "that no preacher whatsoever, in his sermon, lecture, or writing, do presume to deliver any other doctrine concerning the blessed trinity, than what is contained in the holy Scriptures, nor to intermeddle in any affairs of state or government, or the constitution of this realm, excepting only at such times, and in such manner as is more particularly expressed in these directions." All this, though springing directly from the royal supremacy, for which they professed the most profound veneration, was, by the high part of the church, regarded as an officious intermeddling in her affairs, alike hurtful to her liberties as a public body, and to the feelings of her members as individuals.

The parliament being dissolved, and a proclamation issued

London Gazette, December 14th, 1714.