to London on account of the invasion, and I can assure, that these men have not changed their sentiments." This memorialist goes on to inform his master, how nearly the bank of England was ruined by the last, and how certainly it would be so, by a present invasion, from which he deduces this consoling conclusion. "If the bank of England fails, I believe there is no doubt, that the confederates will not be able to carry on the war, and then his most christian majesty will have a safe game to play, without running any risk. Troops" he adds, "are daily draughted, to be sent out of the kingdom, so that few will be left to make opposition, and there are severals in the army, who have discovered their dispositions, of returning to their duty towards their king, if they found the opportunity. They are preparing fleets to be sent to the Mediterranean and elsewhere, so that the few ships which will remain to guard the channel, cannot hinder the passage from Brest to Kircudbright, especially if an alarm is given from Dunkirk and other parts. All the fleet of England, can never hinder a squadron to pass from Brest to Ireland, and Scotland is only a little more distant in the same line." After alluding to the hazard, which, even the king's friends might be unwilling to run, and stating the necessity of ten thousand men to accompany him, if success was to be ensured before hand, he proceeds to assure him, of the favourable sentiments of the queen:-"It is generally thought, that the princess of Denmark," so he denominates the queen, "is favourably inclined to the king her brother, and that she would choose rather to have him for her successor, than the prince of Hanover. But she is timid, and does not know to whom she can give her confidence. The duke of Leeds told me, that he had endeavoured to sound her as much as he could upon the subject, and he is in her confidence, and has free access to her; but though she never chose to explain herself upon this point, she says nothing against him. It is thought, that if the king of England was in Scotland, a treaty with him would be immediately proposed, and then the members of parliament would be at liberty to declare their sentiments, whereas they are now constrained by an act of parliament, which declares, all those guilty of high treason, who shall oppose the Hanoverian succession, by word or writing. But the king of England being

in Scotland, and all the kingdom acknowledging him, which could not fail to happen soon after his arrival in that country, then the present necessity, and the common good of the nation, would authorise the liberty, which each might take, of proposing whatever could prevent the fatal effects of a civil war." What is meant here by the fatal effects of a civil war, is not easily comprehended, for from what follows, a civil war seems to be the object which the memorialist is pursuing, and from which, he evidently hopes for the most favourable results:-"The smallest advantage which an expedition of the king of England into Scotland could produce, would be a civil war, which might be supported from time to time by France, even though none of his majesty's subjects should join him. But that is not to be supposed, for in the division of parties, there are now malecontents enough in Great Britain, who would rejoice at that opportunity of joining him, besides so many in distressed circumstances, or on bad terms with the government, whom fear, resentment, or hope would influence; and there are men of that character in every country, but no where so many as in Great Britain."*

Louis and his ministers had been so long accustomed to these representations, that they probably paid no great attention to this, the statements of which must have appeared, even to them, doubtful, if not contradictory; they had, at the same time, their hands more than full, and had already begun in good earnest to attempt relieving themselves, not by enlarging, but by narrowing the field of their warlike operations; and, however much it suited formerly with their interests, or their general policy, to promote a civil war in Britain, it was neces

* Memorial of the Sieur Lamb [Lesley] to the court of St. Germains. Stuart Papers, 1711. Lesley was a coadjutor with Sage in fabricating that mass of ribaldry which we have already mentioned as inundating the country on the back of the revolution, and he exemplified the candour of his character by the following account of presbytery and of presbyterians :-" It has been an old observation, that wherever presbytery was established, there witchcraft and adultery have been particularly rampant. As one said of Scotland, in the days of presbytery, they burn all the old women for witches, and keep the young ones for w―s. The records of the stools of repentance in Scotland would astonish you, where such multitudes of men and women come daily to make their show for adultery and fornication, that it has almost ceased to be a shame!" The Rehearsals, published in 1704, 1705, &c. &c.

sary for the present, as they were just entering upon negotiations for a separate peace, to seem, at least, to pursue a different line of conduct.

Fortunately for the interests of religion and liberty, breathless anxiety seems at this period, so favourable to their views, to have superseded every other feeling, and to have paralyzed generally, every thing like well directed exertion on the part of the Jacobites; yet there were among them, men, subtle and sanguine, whose conceptions were bold, their address plausible, and their plans, had they been seconded by unanimity and prudence, on the part of their followers, not a little dangerous. Pretending to be a friend to the church of England, the advocate of national independence, and a lover of liberty, we find one of them, the same year, thus stating his opinions:-" I need not go about to prove, that the house of Hanover, and the states of Hclland, are united with the whigs and discontented party of England, against the queen, her present ministry, and the church of England. Their late proceedings, have sufficiently shown their inclinations that way, and nothing is more obvious, than that the church and court party, can expect no quarter from these three united powers, if ever they come to have the superiority. The duke of Hanover, has, in conjunction with the states, declared himself so openly for the whig party, in opposition to the queen herself, as well as her ministry, that it is visible, he is inseparably united to that party, and will always be influenced by it; and that if ever he comes to have the power in his hands, the church and present ministry must fall a sacrifice to the whigs' revenge, the breach being too wide to expect they can ever be thoroughly reconciled. I am of opinion, therefore, that as matters stand now, there remains only one expedient, that can possibly secure at once, both the church and state, against any attempt that may be made to their prejudice, either during the queen's life, or after her death, by a powerful, absolute prince, supported by a jealous, interested nation abroad, and animated by an exasperated, factious party at home; and that is to call home the queen's brother, whose just right gains ground daily in the hearts of his subjects, in order to which, I think it not only advisable,

but absolutely necessary, to send to treat with him, without loss of time, for all depends upon taking timely measures, it being of the last importance to the court and country interest, as well as his, to be before-hand with their common adversaries. Accidents may happen; we are all mortal; and if things be not prepared and secured before a vacancy, it will be very hard after that, to avoid a civil war; for we all know, that according to the laws now in being, Hanover, in that case, must of course, be proclaimed king. It will be too late then, to repeal these laws, which make it high treason to oppose him; and it is not to be doubted, but he will quickly come over here, and bring with him, if it be necessary, all the force the Hollanders and he can draw together. On the other hand it is certain the king will not be wanting, on his side, to transport himself, at any rate, into some part of his dominions, to join with his friends, in order to assert his right, and venture all, rather than have the shame and grief, to see a foreign usurper take peaceable possession of his lawful inheritance. This must unavoidably produce a civil war, which is perhaps what the Hollanders wish for, the fatal consequences of which, may last and extend nobody knows how far.

"The only remedy I see to prevent these misfortunes, and save our nation from ruin and bloodshed, is the proposal above mentioned, of sending, immediately upon the conclusion of the peace, to treat with her majesty's brother, the king, and call him home privately, upon the first recess of parliament.

"This is absolutely the quickest, safest, and easiest way; for all other slow, dilatory, methods of preparing things by degrees, managing the opposite party, waiting for new favourable opportunities, and keeping, in the meantime, this prince at a distance, are exposed to too many dangers and difficulties, besides that unanswerable one of a sudden mortality, which, as it may very possibly happen, to our great grief and misfortune, when we expect it least, so it is the height of imprudence not to prepare against it.

"It would require a great deal of more time than we can in prudence promise to ourselves, to go about to repeal the act of the settlement of the crown in a parliamentary way,

before he be called over; so I think that tedious method nowise advisable. Besides that the undertaking itself might meet with such opposition in his absence, as would expose it to the danger of a miscarriage; whereas, he being once upon the place, invited thither, and countenanced by her majesty, (which is no very hard matter to contrive, so as to make it very practicable in the recess of parliament, without the least danger of disturbance,) those very persons who would have opposed him in parliament and every where else in his absence, will be the first to come and kiss his hand when he is here, and comply with whatever the queen shall think fit to do in his favour.

"It is so visibly the queen's and the present ministry's true interest to call her only brother home, in this conjuncture, that he and they may be a mutual support and security to one another, that I am morally assured he will not make the least difficulty to trust himself entirely into their hands whenever they please to call him; and that he will be willing to come over with a page only to accompany him, upon the queen his sister's letter, if it be thought fit and necessary for his and their common interest so to do; and, when he is once here, I am sure nobody will find fault with the queen's receiving him kindly. She may safely present him to her council, own him there for her brother, and declare her good intentions towards him, and what she has thought fit, with the advice of her ministers, to treat and concert with him, for the future good and peace of her kingdoms; after which step, it will be infinitely more easy, and less hazardous, than by any other method whatsoever, to get the present settlement of the succession altered in the next meeting of the parliament, and every thing regulated there to their mutual satisfaction; and all the rights and privileges of church and state, crown, parliament, and people, settled again upon the solid foundation of the ancient laws and constitution of the kingdom.

"But to assure the success of this great work, I think it absolutely best, when he is invited over, that he be allowed to come straight to London, where his sudden and unexpected appearance will surprise and confound all his unprepared enemies, break all their measures, and make every