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Ρ. 42. 1. 13. ἀλλ ̓ ὅρα δὴ εἰ οὕτως ὁρίζῃ· μὴ μόνον τὸ ἐναντίον τὸ ἐναντίον μὴ δέχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκεῖνο, ὃ ἂν ἐπιφέρει τὶ ἐναντίον ἐκείνῳ, ἐφ' ὅ, τι ἂν αὐτὸ ἴῃ, αὐτὸ τὸ ἐπιφέρον τὴν τοῦ ἐπιφερομένου ἐναντιότητα μηδέ ποτε δέξασθαι.

ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκεῖνο but that that also, ὃ ἂν ἐπιφέρει which brings, τι any thing, ἐναντίον opposite, ἐκείνῳ to that, ἐφ' ὅ, τι ἂν αὐτὸ ἴῃ το which itself is going, αὐτὸ τὸ ἐπιφέρον, that this very thing itself, Ι say, which brings another with it, μηδέποτε δέξασθαι can never admit, τὴν ἐναντιότητα the opposite, τοῦ ἐπιφερομένου of that which is brought with it.

Ρ. 42. 1. 22. εἰ γὰρ ἔροιό με, ὃ ἂν τί ἐν τῷ σώματι ἐγγένηται θερμὸν ἔσται, οὐ τὴν ἀσφαλῆ σοι ἐρῶ ἀπόκρισιν ἐκείνην, τὴν ἀμαθῆ, ὅτι ὃ ἂν θερμότης, ἀλλὰ κομψοτέραν ἐκ τῶν νῦν, ὅτι ὁ ἂν πυρ.

Here is the nominative of the relative erroneously for the dative ; it should be, ᾧ ἂν θερμότης— and ᾧ ἂν πῦρ.

Ρ. 42. 1. 53. ὁπότε δὴ τὸ ἀθάνατον καὶ ἀδιάφθορον ἐστιν, ἄλλοτι ψυχὴ ἢ εἰ ἀθάνατος τυγχάνει οὖσα, καὶ ἀνώλεθρος ἂν εἴη;

Either ἄλλοτι ἢ ψυχὴ, εἰ ἀθάνατος τυγχάνει οὖσα, καὶ ἀνώλεθρος ἂν εἴη; or ἄλλοτι ψυχὴ, εἰ ἀθάνατος τυγχάνει οὖσα, κ. α. α. ε. being omitted.

Ρ. 43. 1. 8. οὐ μόνον γ ̓, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμμία, ὁ Σωκράτης, ἀλλὰ ταῦτά τε εὖ λέγεις, καὶ τάς γε ὑποθέσεις τὰς πρώτας καὶ εἰ πισταὶ ἡμῖν εἰσὶν, ὅμως ἐπισκεπτέαι σαφέστερον.

Perhaps εἰ καὶ πισταὶ ἡμῖν εἰσὶν, although we rely on them. and for ἐπισκεπτέαι ἐπισκεπτέα neuter: which governs τὰς ὑποθέ σεις. an Attic form.

Ρ. 43. 1. 30. ἀφικομένην δὲ ὅθιπερ αἱ ἄλλαι, τὴν μὲν ἀκάθαρτον, καί τι πεποιηκυῖαν τοιοῦτον, ἢ φόνων ἀδίκων ἡμμένην, ἢ ἄλλα ἄττα τοιαῦτα εἰργασμένην, ἃ τούτων ἀδελφά τε καὶ ἀδελφῶν ψυχῶν ἔργα τυγχάνει ὄντα, ταύτην μὲν ἅπας φεύγει τε καὶ ὑπεκτρέπεται.

τοιοῦτον) i. e. ἀκάθαρτον.

Ρ. 43. 1. 36. πολλοὶ δέ εἰσι καὶ θαυμαστοὶ τῆς γῆς τόποις καὶ αὐτὴ οὔτε οἵα οὔτε ὅση δοξάζεται ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ γῆς εἰωθότων λέγειν, ὡς ἐγὼ ὑπό τινος πέπυσμαι.

Forster reads πέπεισμαι : but the true reading seems to be, ὡς ἐγὼ ΑΠΟ τινος πέπυσμαι. πέπυσμαι I have been told, or have heard.

Ρ. 43. 1. 44. εἰ ἔστιν (ἡ γῆ) ἐν μέσῳ τῷ οὐρανῷ, περιφερὴς οὖσα, μηδὲν αὐτῇ δεῖν μήτε ἀέρος πρὸς τὸ μὴ πεσεῖν, μήτε ἄλλης ἀνάγκης μηδεμιᾶς τοιαύτης. ἀλλὰ ἱκανήν γε εἶναι αὐτὴν ἴσχειν τὴν ὁμοιότητα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ αὐτοῦ ἑαυτῷ πάντη, καὶ τῆς γῆς αὐτῆς τὴν ἰσοῤῥοπίαν.

The construction is ἀλλὰ τὴν ὁμοιότητά γε τοῦ οὐρανοῦ αὐτοῦ ἑαυτῷ πάντη εἶναι ἱκανὴν ἴσχειν αὐτὴν (γῆν).

Ρ. 44. 1. 12. καὶ οὔτε φύεται ἄξιον λόγου οὐδὲν ἐν τῇ θαλάττη,

οὔτε τέλειον, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, οὐδέν ἐστι. σήραγγες δὲ καὶ ἄμμος, καὶ πηλὸς ἀμήχανος, καὶ βόρβοροί εἰσιν, ὅπου ἂν καὶ ἡ γῆ ᾖ, καὶ πρὸς τὰ παρ' ἡμῖν κάλλη κρίνεσθαι οὐδ ̓ ὁπωστιοῦν ἄξια.

ὅπου ἂν καὶ ἡ γῆ ᾖ Where it touches the land: on the shores

of it.

σαι,

Ρ. 44. 1. 15. εἰ γὰρ δεῖ καὶ μῦθον λέγειν καλὸν, καὶ ἄξιον ἀκοῦ Σιμμία, οἷα τυγχάνει τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ὑπὸ τῷ οὐρανῷ ὄντα. τὰ ὑπὸ τῷ οὐρανῷ ὄντα) The parts above the gross lower air, and immediately under the true sky.

Ρ. 44. 1. 20. ἐκεῖ δὲ πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν ἐκ τοιούτων εἶναι, καὶ πολὺ ἔτι ἐκ λαμπροτέρων καὶ καθαρωτέρων ἢ τούτων. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀλουργῆ εἶναι, καὶ θαυμαστὴν τὸ κάλλος· τὴν δὲ χρυσοειδῆ· τὴν δὲ, ὅση λευκὴ, γύψου ἢ χιόνος λευκοτέραν.

ὅση λευκή) A parenthesis, as much as is white.

Ρ. 46. 1. 25. οὐ πείθω, ἔφη, ὦ ἄνδρες, Κρίτωνα, ὡς ἐγώ εἰμι οὗτος ὁ Σωκράτης, ὁ νυνὶ διαλεγόμενος, καὶ διατάττων ἕκαστα τῶν λεγομέ νων, ἀλλ ̓ οἴεταί με ἐκεῖνον εἶναι, ὃν ὄψεται ὀλίγον ὕστερον νεκρὸν, καὶ ἐρωτᾷ δὴ πῶς με δεῖ θάπτειν· ὅτι δὲ ἐγὼ πάλαι πολὺν λόγον πεποίημαι, ὡς, ἐπειδὰν πίω τὸ φάρμακον, οὐκέτι ὑμῖν παραμενῶ, ἀλλ ̓ οἰχήσομαι ἀπιων εἰς μακάρων δή τινας εὐδαιμονίας, ταῦτά μοι δοκῶ αὐτῷ ἄλλως λέγειν, παραμυθούμενος ἅμα μὲν ὑμᾶς, ἅμα δ' ἐμαυτόν,

I think it should be ; ταῦτά ΤΟΙ δοκῶ αὐτῷ ἄλλως λέγειν. αὐτῷ) Κρίτωνι.

ANALOGICAL MEMORY.

Your Correspondent, S. Υ. (in No. Lr. p. 196. under the head of Chronological Mnemonics, and again in No. Lviii. p. 340. Art. Technical Memory) has, I think, conferred on the cause of literature an important service, by showing how several facts, historical or miscellaneous, may be recalled to the mind by a very simple technical process, which, as he rightly observes, amply atones by its great usefulness and easy application for any want of dignity which the fastidious scholar may detect in the system.

Perhaps you will favor me by inserting in your highly useful miscellany, a few more instances of nearly the same kind which have occurred to me as capable of being similarly illustrated.

e. g. If we desire to know on what days of the month the Ides fell in the Roman Calendar. The origin of the word Ides is the old Latin verb iduare, q. d. in duas partes distribuere. Add M to Id, and the syllable Mid, the half of Middle, will direct us to March and May, two of the months in which the Ides were the fifteenth day-the other months were July and October; in the remaining eight, the 13th was the day of the Ides. The Nones (nonas) were, in all months, counting inclusively, nine days from the Ides.

2. Of Arcadius and Honorius, the two sons of Theodosius the Great, I desire to know which reigned in Constantinople, and which in Rome. Arcadius-Constantinople: Honorius-Rome. A. C. H. R.

3. The Roman people were originally divided by Romulus into three tribes, which number was increased by Servius Tullius to thirty-five; and each tribe was subdivided into ten Curiæ tres triginta et quinque tribus. Decem Curiæ.

4. In the ancient mythology, there were reckoned three Cupids, four Venuses, five Minervas-The following lines will assist the memoryIn mytho veteri tres constituuntur Erotes, Quatuor at Veneres, dum quinque fuere Minerva.

5. Of the Argonautic Expedition, the Theban War, and the Siege of Troy, which came first, which last? They took place in the order of the letters, and nearly 40 years intervened between each two. A. (Argonaut.) The. (Theb.) Tr. (Troy.) Their respective dates are 1263, 1225, and 1184, B. C.

6. Which is the Keri, and which the Chetib, in the Hebrew Bible of Vander Hooght, and others? keRi maRgin, che Tib, TexT, therefore the Keri is the marginal, and the Chetib the Textual reading.

7. Of the Targum and Talmud, which was the Chaldee Paraphrase, and which the doctrinale or traditional compilation? Targum Paraphrase, therefore the Talmud was the exposition.

8. The arteries convey the blood from, the veins to the heart: arteria ab

venæ versus.

9. Epaminondas was slain at the battle of Mantinea, (fought A.C. 363.) Epa Minondas.

10. Rome was founded A. C. 753. The three uneven numbers after 1 taken in the inverse order.

11. In the reign of Frederic the Second, Emperor of Germany, about A. D. 1212, arose the factions of the Guelphs and Ghibellines. Of these, the former espoused the cause of the Pope (Innocent III.), and the latter, that of the Emperor. Guelphs Pope. (3 ps together.)

12. In what year, and place, and under what circumstances, did Pro

testantism arise?

The following familiar verses may be easily remembered-
In fifteen hundred twenty-nine

At Spire the Protestants combine
Against thy tyrannous decree,
Stern Ferdinand of Germany-
Thy brother Charles affords his aid,

Subjecting to a strict blockade
Seventh Clement in his own chateau,
Named from its Angel, Angelo.

1 Charles V. Emperor of Germany.

13. In the French revolutionary Calendar, the months were thus terminated: three in aire-Vindemiaire, Brumaire, Frimaire; three in oseNivose, Pluviose, Ventose; three in al-Germinal, Floreal, Prairial; three in dor-Messidor, Thermidor, Fructidor: the name of each month being descriptive of the particular weather or agricultural operation then usually prevalent: to remember this, combine the initial letters, forming the word aoda. The year began at the Autumnal Equinox; and five intercalary days were added in compliment to the Revolution, to make up the number 365. The Sabbath was formally abolished; and the month divided into five decades, as the ancient Athenian month.

These few instances may perhaps induce some one of your learned Correspondents to add to the number.

Tansor Parsonage, May, 1825.

C. A. W.

SOME REMARKS ON THE VALUE OF ROMAN TRAGEDY.

No. II. [Continued from No. LXI.]

FROM Our preliminary historical observations in a former number, we pass on to a closer consideration of the value and nature of Roman Tragedy.

I

We can conceive an original Roman tragedy, in which nothing is borrowed from the Grecian, but the free and genuine production of the individual Roman character; and two individuals distinguished both by their learning and knowlege of antiquity, viz. A. Schlegel, and Creuzer,' have endeavored to trace the lineaments of such a tragedy. "Such a genuine Roman tragedy," says Schlegel, "would have differed entirely from the Grecian both in matter and form; it must, according to the old Roman character, have been throughout of a religious and patriotic nature."

Greek tragedy represents the mighty strivings of the heroic age, as surpassing the boundaries and laws of human power, and therefore engaged in struggling with the superior forces of fate; and in such a struggle of free-will with the all-ruling power

A. Schlegel's Vorlesungen über dramatische Kunst, Vol. ii. p. 20.2 Creuzer's Symbolik, Vol. iii. p. 995.

of fate, an individual is presented to our view, at one time perishing in hostile variance, and at another finally reconciled to these overwhelming powers. Each of the three great tragic geniuses, schylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, has his peculiarities, but the theme is generally the same with them all.

To the old Roman mind there was nothing higher and more sacred than their country, and nothing greater or more venerable, than to live and die for it. Therefore the religion of the Romans was merely patriotic and national in its import; it had not that artificial flexibility which is inherent in the Greek, but rested on a steady, positive, and historical basis. To the old Roman (we speak not of their latter degeneracy) the gods were gods of Rome; grown up, as it were, with the eternal city, defending and protecting its destiny; they could never forsake their sacred abodes there, as Camillus once reminded the Romans. The religious faith, and also the faith in the superior destiny of Rome, were intimately interwoven in the ancient character of this people; every thing connected with this faith was unalterable, austere, and involved in sacerdotal secrecy.'

We therefore agree with Mr. Schlegel, that a genuine and national Roman tragedy would, as well in its subject as in the leading tragic ideas, have been quite original; and that voluntary self-sacrifice would have been the principal idea-sacrifice for the prosperity, glory, or safety of the country, in deep submission to the will of the gods. The whole character of the passions too, would, in accordance to the peculiar qualities of such a religious-patriotic tragedy, have been distinguished from that of the Greek tragedy.

Mr. Schlegel says, "The idea of such a genuine Roman tragedy is the idea of a being, never brought forth from the empire of possibility to that of reality." But the subject of several Roman tragedies was taken from Roman history; on which account, Evanthius (de tragoed.) could say, concerning the national Roman tragedies: " prætextata ab dignitate personarum et Latina historia petitur." But as soon as this was done, the poet was obliged to leave the fundamental theme of Greek tragedy, and a composition must arise, approaching more or less the model of such a genuine Roman production as we have spoken of. What have the sons of Rome, so great by their devotedness to their country and to their deities, and so cele

1 Vide Schlegel and Creuzer. Also the fine remarks of Dion. Halicarnass, on the religion of the Romans.

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