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In my paper entitled "Race Mixture in Early Rome" (Trans. Amer. Phil. Assoc. XL, 1910, pp. 63-81) I held in connection with the extant Ligurian inscriptions that "by far the greater part of what is called Ligurian is strictly Gallic, and what is not Gallic is not Indo-European. The language of the country of the Ligurians became largely Gallic, after the coming of Gallic tribes to Italy." It was also suggested that a distinction should be made among the Gallic tribes migrating to Italy, and that those tribes which preserved original ku in the form qu became located in the western and coast regions of Liguria, while those which changed original ku to p settled in Italy farther to the north and east. In the present paper I shall give what evidence is available to determine the time. of these migrations, and the routes taken by the migrating tribes. By this means I hope to show that the statements and assumptions made in the earlier paper had a genuine foundation in evidence.

The fullest and most systematic account we have of the coming of the Gauls into Italy is that of Livy (v. 34-35. 3), whose story runs as follows: In the reign of Tarquinius Priscus at Rome, prior to 578 B.C., the Bituriges held sway over a third part of Gaul, called Celticum. Their king Ambigatus, seeing that the country could no longer support the increasing population, sent out two hordes to find new homes under the guidance of his two nephews Segovesus and Bellovesus. The latter set out for Italy, accompanied by large

[CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY VI, October, 1911) 385

numbers of the tribes of the Bituriges, Arverni, Senones, Aedui, Ambarri, Carnutes, and Aulerci. While delaying among the Tricastini, in despair of being able to cross the Alps, they learned that some Phocaeans had just landed near the mouth of the Rhone, where they were attempting to found a city, later Massilia. In this the Phocaeans were opposed by a neighboring tribe of Ligurians, the Saluvii, who were overcome by the Phocaeans with the aid of the horde of wandering Gauls. Thereupon the Gauls crossed the Alps and made their way down the Duria through the Ligurian tribe of the Taurini. Not far from the river Ticinus they encountered the Etruscans, who were then in possession of the valley of the Po, and defeated them. Here they heard that the name of the district was something that to them sounded like Insubres, the name of a canton of the Aedui, and taking this as a good omen, they founded there the city of Mediolanium. Later came another migration, of Cenomani, who settled farther east. These came by the same route as the first swarm. They were followed closely by two Ligurian tribes, the Libui and the Saluvii. A third host, composed of Boii and Lingones, entered Italy by the Pennine range, therefore passing through the Ligurian tribe of the Salassi, turned east no doubt through the territory of the Lepontii, and finally settled to the south of the Po. Finally the Senones came, and settled still farther south in the country of the Umbrians, from the river Utis to the Aesis, along the Adriatic. (In giving this summary I have adopted the text of Weissenborn in his annotated edition.)

It is important to note the location of these tribes in Gaul prior to their migration. (In general, see Desjardins La Géogr. de la Gaule Rom. II, 462-97; Kiepert Lehrb. d. alten Geogr. 444, 446). The Bituriges were divided into two sections. One branch, called the Bituriges Vivisci, dwelt near the mouth of the Garumna (Pliny NH. iv. 108; Strabo iv, p. 190; Ptolemy Geogr. ii. 7, 8), and the other, the Bituriges Cubi, west of the upper part of the Liger (Pliny iv. 109; Strabo iv, p. 191; Ptolemy iii. 7, 13). As the other tribes moving toward Italy surrounded the Bituriges Cubi almost to the extent of a semicircle, it cannot be doubted that these are the Bituriges referred to by Livy. We have no information except from this passage in Livy that the Bituriges had ever been in control of the central part of Gaul, and

not the slightest evidence for the belief of D'Arbois de Jubainville (Les premiers habitants de l'Europe II, 297-305) that they were in possession of a large continental Keltic empire. In the time of Caesar they were subject to the Aedui (BG. vii. 5. 2), but in the general revolt of the year 52 B.C. headed by the Arverni under Vercingetorix, the Bituriges took a prominent part (BG. vii. 5. 7; 8. 6). Twenty of their cities were burned to prevent the advance of the Romans (BG. vii. 15. 1). Their greatest city, Avaricum, which is described as the most beautiful city in Gaul (BG. vii. 15. 4), was made the object of Caesar's attack (BG. vii. 14-28). It would appear, therefore, that notwithstanding their subjection to the Aedui they were still a vigorous and flourishing tribe.

The Aulerci were divided into three pagi, the Aulerci Brannovices (Caes. BG. vii. 15. 2), the Aulerci Eburovices (BG. iii. 17. 3; vii. 75. 4), and the Aulerci Cenomani (BG. vii. 75. 3; Pliny NH. iv. 107; Ptol. Geogr. ii. 8. 9). Caesar uses the word Aulerci by itself four times, but he does not use the names of the pagi without prefixing the general name of the tribe. The Cenomani, the largest of the three, became known, especially in Italy, only by their cantonal Thus Livy probably means that in the earliest migration people of the two smaller cantons came to Italy, while later the third came in a movement by itself.


Livy does not here mention the nationality of the Saluvii, but it is clear from Epitome LX that he believed them to be Gauls, Fulvius Flaccus primus Transalpinos Ligures domuit bello, missus in auxilium Massiliensibus adversus Saluvios Gallos, qui fines Massiliensium populabantur. But Pliny (NH. iii. 47) includes them among the Ligurum celeberrimi ultra Alpes, and that the Romans considered the Saluvii to be Ligurians is shown by the triumphal inscription of Fulvius and Sextius, CIL. I, 460, DE: LIGURIB: VOCONTIEIS: SALVVIESQ. However, Strabo in three passages contrasts the Saluvii with the Ligurians in such a way as to indicate that he regarded them as Gauls. Thus he says: ἡ ἐφεξῆς παραλία, ἣν ἔχουσιν οἵ τε Μασσαλιῶται καὶ οἱ Σάλυες μέχρι Αιγύων ἐπὶ τὰ πρὸς Ἰταλίαν μέρη καὶ τὸν Οὐαρρον ποταμόν (iv, p. 178); and οἱ Μασσαλιῶται παρέδοσαν . . . . τὸ δὲ Ταυροέντιον καὶ τὴν Ὀλβίαν καὶ ̓Αντίπολιν καὶ Νίκαιαν τῷ τῶν Σαλύων ἔθνει καὶ τοῖς Αίγυσι

. . . .

τοῖς τὰς ̓́Αλπεις οἰκοῦσιν (iv, p. 180), and Gnally πρώτους δ' έχειρώσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι τούτους (Σάλνας) τῶν ὑπεραλπείων Κελτῶν, πολὺν χρόνον πολεμήσαντες καὶ τούτοις καὶ τοῖς Λίγυσιν (iv, p. 203). Strabo explains why he calls the Saluvii (or Salyes as the Greeks called them) Kelts, for he says: kaλoûσi dè тovs Σáλvas οἱ μὲν παλαιοὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων Λίγυας καὶ τὴν χώραν, ἣν ἔχουσιν οἱ Μασσαλιῶται, Λιγυστικήν, οἱ δ ̓ ὕστερον Κελτολίγυας ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ τὴν μέχρι Αουενίωνος καὶ τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ πεδιάδα τούτοις πρоσvéμovσ (iv, p. 203). Livy also contrasts them with the Ligurians, et P. Cornelius . . . . profectus ab urbe sexaginta longis navibus praeter oram Etruriae Ligurumque et inde Saluvium montis pervenit Massiliam (xxi. 26. 3). From these several passages Long draws the following reasonable conclusion: "This shows that the Ligurians of Gallia, or the country west of the Var, became known to the Roman by the name of Salyes. Strabo's remark that these Salyes, whom the early Greeks named Ligures, were called Celtoligyes by the later Greeks may explain how Livy or his epitomizer has called the Salyes both Ligurians ("Transalpinos Ligures,' Epit. 47) and Galli (Epit. 60). They were a mixed race of Galli and Ligures" (Smith Dict. of Class. Geogr., s.v. "Salyes"). D'Arbois de Jubainville breaks away decidedly from the belief of the Romans, and certainly misinterprets Strabo, in holding that the original Ligurian inhabitants of this territory were conquered by the Gallic Salyes, and that the word Celto-Ligurian indicates a condition of Gallic supremacy on Ligurian ground (Les premiers habitants I, p. 373). If the early Greeks called the Salyes Ligurians, it must mean that at the time of the founding of Massilia there was such a tribe of Ligurians in the vicinity. But with the first southern movement of Gallic tribes, as the Allobroges, Volcae, and others, the earlier people were largely subdued and mingled with the newly arrived Gauls. However their former fame as the opponents of the attempt to found the Greek city of Massilia would justify Pliny in calling them celeberrimi, and in classifying them as Ligurians. Such a mistake could easily be made, for without doubt Latin was the only language used in this part of the Provincia in Pliny's day. But there is equally little doubt that prior to the use of Latin, the Keltic of the moving Gallic tribes had prevailed over the still earlier Ligurian

spoken there. The degree to which Gallia Narbonensis was romanized is shown by Strabo's statement in regard to the Cavares, that they had become Roman in language and life, and some of them even in their form of government (iv, p. 186; cf. Budinsky Die Ausbreitung der lat. Sprache, pp. 102 ff.). It is noteworthy that all the inscriptions found in the province are written in Latin, except eight, which, although using the Greek alphabet, are in a Gallic dialect. No Ligurian inscriptions have yet been found in this section. Further, it is significant that Varro calls the Massilians trilingual, hos (Massilienses) Varro trilingues esse ait, quod et Graece loquantur et Latine et Gallice (Isidor. Orig. xv. 1. 63). They did not speak Ligurian, and therefore their neighbors, the Salyes, must have spoken Keltic and not Ligurian. This is the first clear instance of my contention that the Keltic of the moving Gallic tribes largely superseded the Ligurian of southern Gaul and northern Italy.

How the Boii happened to be concerned in this migration is by no means clear. The first record we have of their appearance in Gaul is in connection with their participation in the movement of the Helvetii in 58 B.C. Apparently they had but recently appeared in Noricum when they received the invitation to go along with the Helvetii (Caes. BG. i. 5. 4). Caesar says that they had lived trans Rhenum, but this is so indefinite that we must fall back upon the statement of Tacitus (Germ. 28): Igitur inter Hercyniam sylvam Rhenumque et Moenum amnes Helvetii, ulteriora Boii, Gallica utraque gens, tenuere. Manet adhuc Boihemi nomen, signatque loci veterem memoriam, quamvis mutatis cultoribus. It can scarcely be that this home in Bohemia is that referred to by Caesar in the words trans Rhenum, for they must at that time have lived even west of the Rhine. They seem to have been very nomadic in their tendencies, for they participated in almost all the various Gallic movements for several centuries. Niese (Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum, NF. 30, p. 149) very plausibly suggests that in the war against the Cisalpine Gauls after the close of the Second Punic War it was the Boii who suffered most heavily from the revenge of the Romans. They were driven from their homes, and many of them forced out of the country. They took refuge among their former allies, the Taurisci, and finally after a further defeat at the hands of the Dacians, settled in Bohemia,

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