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of a place in Macedonia and of another in Perrhaebia on the Macedonian border.

Hoffmann, op. cit. 37, also finds a Macedonian word víßa "spring" in the Hesychian gloss, νίβα· χιόνα, καὶ κρήνην, interpreted in the light of the version given by Suidas and Photius: νίβα· χιόνα. καλεῖται δὲ οὕτως καὶ κρήνη ἐν Θράκῃ; for he thinks that the second sentence necessarily implies a nominative víẞa. He finds confirmation of such a Macedonian form in the derivative Níẞas, the name of a place near Thessalonica. There is no doubt that the article in Hesychius treats two distinct words, but the true form of the second is shown by Νίψ, Νιβός· ὄνομα κρήνης, Ε.Μ. 568. 16, and Νίψ, Niẞós κрývη, Sophonius in Hilgard's Theodosius 2. 402. 8. With the last-mentioned glosses Hesychius is in perfect harmony, while the phraseology of Suidas and Photius is not necessarily inconsistent with them. The substitution of ví, vißós for Hoffmann's víßā does not of course affect his argument that the word, together with Níẞas, is Macedonian and belongs with Ir. snigim "drop, rain," and Skt. sníhyati "become moist, sticky," etc., from a root sneigh- (whether this group is to be combined with that meaning "snow" is, however, a further question). But it is also possible that the root is neig", which appears in νίζω, νίπτω, νίπτρον, χέρνιψ, χέρνιβον, Skt. nenekti, nejayati "wash,” Av. naēnižaiti "wash something off," etc. In that case there would be nothing in the form of the word to suggest Macedonian origin.

The Indo-European interchange between media and media aspirata appears, for example, in öλBos "wealth," Skt. árjati “earn": aλon "gain," Skt. árhati "deserve," arghá "worth"; kúßos "a hollow above the hips of cattle," Eng. hip, Lat. cubo : Kupós "stooping, hump-backed" (Walde, s.v. cubitum); σтpaßós “squinting," στpóẞos "a whirling," σTрeßλos "distorted," Lat. (originally Umbrian) strebula "meat from the hips of oxen": OTPÉDW, OTPÓPOS (Walde); Ir. mebul 'disgrace," Goth. bi-mampjan "mock, deride": μéμþoμai, μoμpń, μeμowań (Fick 24, 208, keeps Ir. mebul separate). opoßos "bitter vetch," épéẞivos "chick pea": Lat. ervum, OHG. araweiz, NHG. Erbse may represent I-E. *erogo- : *erog"ho- (Walde; cf. CP. V. 332).

In several words analogy has led to the substitution of for an original B. kalvon "covering," papyrus of the first century A.D., in

the phrase ἀπὸ καλυφῆς αἰγιαλού “from high water mark” (or possibly "from low water mark"), beside kaλúßŋ "hut, cell," Hdt., +, was formed from καλύπτω on the basis of the pairs κρυφή : κρύπτω, τρυφή : θρύπτω, βαφή : βάπτω, etc. Similarly ἀκαλυφής, Soph., +, and ἀκάλυφος, Diog. L., were formed from καλύπτω on the model of such pairs as ἀναφής, Plat., +, : ἅπτομαι, ἀρραφής, Arat., ἄρραφος, Ν.Τ., +, : ῥάπτω, ἄγναφος, Ν.Τ., +, : γνάπτω, ἄταφος : θάπτω, ἄτρυφος, Alem., : θρύπτω. κολυφρόν· ἐλαφρόν, Hesych., beside Koλνμẞáw "dive," κóλυμßos “diver," Ar., etc., Goth. hlaupan, NHG. laufen (Zupitza German. Gutturale 118) shows the influence of eλappós.

If Tpipos, which Du Cange cites from a gloss as equivalent to τρίβος, is a genuine form, it was made from τρίψω and ἔτριψα on the model of σκάφος : σκάψω and ἔσκαψα, ὄροφος : ἐρέψω and peya, etc. If σTipos "throng, mass" and σTippós "firm, solid" are akin to σTeíßw, their & is due to some similar analogical influence (cf. the ambiguous σTITтós "trodden down" and "tough, sturdy"). Uhlenbeck's (Etym. Wörterb. d. ai. Sprache) connection of Skt. stibhis "tuft, bunch" with these words is not probable enough to warrant the assumption of a third root form beside *steip- and *steib-. For γρυφός beside γρυβός, see p. 200.


The reverse analogical change of original to B also occurs. κρυβήσομαι, Eur., ἔκρυβον, ἐκρύβην, Apollod., +, κρυβῆ, ἀποκρυβή, ἀποκρυβήσομαι, LXX, +, ἐγκρύβω, Diod., +, Κρύβηλος Hesych., Kpʊßoí, a Byzantine geographical name, etc. (cf. also Lobeck Phryn. 317), beside earlier pupηdóv, Hom., κрúpios, Hes., +, κpúpa, etc., the change was due to the analogy of τρίβω beside ἔτριψα, βλάβη, ¿Bλáßny, beside BλáπTw, and the like, perhaps in this case assisted by the existence of the adverbs κρύβδην and κρύβδα. Modern Greek has not only κρύβω, but also σκάβω, ράβω, κλέβω, etc. Cf. Hatzidakis KŽ. 27. 76. If we assume an original aspirate for Bóμßos on account of Skt. bambharas "bee" (found only in lexicons), bambhāravas "lowing" of cows, bambharālis "fly," a persistent feeling for the onomatopoetic character of the word would help explain the change from voiceless to B. The same consideration applies to σTóμBos· βαρύηχος, βαρύφθογγος, Galen Lex. Hipp., beside στόμφος “bombast,” στομφός “bombastic,” στόμφαξ, στομφάζω, Ar.1

1These words have no connection with σróßos "abuse, bad language," or with oudós "spongy," of sounds, "hollow, loud."

There remain a number of words which show a variation between or μ and μß, on the basis of which a number of scholars have inferred a change in Greek itself of aspirate to media after nasals.1 The group μ, however, often remains (e.g., yóμdos, vúμon, μoμoń), and no satisfactory limitation of the operation of the supposed phonetic law has yet been proposed.

In some cases the variation is clearly Indo-European (see Brugmann Grundr. 12. 633), as άσтeμons "firm," σтéμpuλa "olives or grapes pressed dry," Skt. stambhate "become firm or rigid": σтÉμßW "shake," OHG. stampfon, Eng. stamp; áþpós, véþos, etc.: ŏμßpos, Skt. ámbu "water," Arm. amp "cloud;" áμBos "astonishment," ON. dapr "sad": rápos "astonishment;" xápow "wither," kápon "hay," κάppos, Lith. skrebiú "become dry": κрáμßos "dry, loud," Aг., póμßos "dry, roasted," Hesych., κрoμßów "roast," Diphil., NHG. rümpfen. In μéμpoμai: Ir. mebul, Goth. bimampjan (see above, p. 212) Greek has preserved only the aspirated form of the root. We have a similar interchange of I-E. labio-velars in opis, Skt. dhis “ snake": OHG. unc "snake,” ἴμβηρις· ἔγχελυς. Μηθυμ vaîoi, Hesych. Perhaps, however, we should omit the last word on account of its vocalism (Brugmann Grundr. 12. 634).

στρόμβος “top” : στρέφω, στρόφος, etc., was probably influenced by póμßos "top."

The tendency established by such pairs as ἀστεμφής : στέμβω, ἀφρός : ὄμβρος, τάφος : θάμβος, κάρφω : κράμβος, στρόμβος : σTρépw, sometimes became effective even where it was not assisted by similarity of meaning with any of these. Thus we find μß instead of & in κóрνμßos "summit, hairpin," kорúμßŋ "hairpin": KоρνþŃ, Kóρуþоs "summit, peak, hairpin" (see above, p. 204); βρέμβος = βρέφος, Hesych., κύμβος, κύμβη " cup” : Skt. kumbhas cup," Av. xumba- "pot"; ȧтéμßw "cheat" : Skt. dabhnóti, dábhati "injure, deceive." Perhaps we should set down here

1 Most recently Otto Hoffmann, Die Makedonen 240 f., who gives references to earlier discussions. All the examples contain Greek labials except πúvdağ πvoμýv, for which Brugmann, Grundr. 12. 633, suggests Indo-European variation between d and dh.

2 For such imitative substitution, which is not to be denied a wide scope in language, and which many regard as a fundamental factor in the regular phonetic changes, compare Wheeler "Causes of Uniformity in Phonetic Change," Trans. Am. Phil. Assn. 32, 5 ff., especially p. 14, and Thurneysen Etymologie 17 ff., KZ. 44. 111.

кú(μ)ẞŋ “head," E.M., Georg. Sanguinatius: Cretan kupá “head,” Hesych. λιμφός· συκοφάντης . . . . ἢ μηνυτὴς παρανόμων, Hesych., is probably not to be identified with pßós "greedy,"

Hesych., +.


That the change in question took place after the dissimilation of aspirates is indicated by Kúμßos: Av. xumba- from *khumbho-, and ȧтéμßw: Skt. dábhati from *dhebh. Hence in Opóμßos "lump, clot of blood” : τρέφεσθαι “ curdle,” ταρφύς, etc., and θρεμβός "fat," CGL.: τрépw (cf. CP. V. 334), we have to account for the initial aspirate by the analogy of such forms as Opéчw, ë0peya, and τέθραμμαι.

The occasional interchange of bh and b in the parent speech and of and uß in Greek furnish us two possible points of contact between the suffixes in & and B. Perhaps, then, it is not altogether accidental that both the suffixes are employed to form animal names and derogatory adjectives. See CP. V. 331, 333 ff., and Niedermann, IF. Anz 19. 32 f. The present writer, however, does not know of any word with Indo-European suffix -bo from -bho. We may, perhaps, suspect some such relationship between ἀσκάλαφος, κάλαφος, an unknown bird, Arist., +, and ἀσκάλαβος, Kaλaßás "spotted lizard," Nicand., +. That the words date from prehistoric times is indicated by the fact that both 'Аoráλapos and 'Aokáλaßos occur as mythological proper names. Their etymology Ασκάλαβος is unknown. As was shown in CP. V. 326 ff., the Greek suffix -Bos is chiefly due to adaptation in Greek itself. To the factors there discussed we may now add one more: the Greek substitution of μß for seems to have affected a few words in which was a formative element.

The preceding discussion covers the words in which appears to be a formative element. The great majority of words in -n, -ons, and pos are forms with radical 4, which, with their numerous compounds, e.g., -γραφος, -σοφος, -τροφος, swell the lists to such proportions that their publication must be deferred.

1 τύμβος “ foolish,” a word that has been inferred from Euripides' γέροντα τύμβον, and Hesychius τυμβογέρων· ἐσχατόγηρως, and compared with τύφος “smoke,” is purely imaginary.



εἰ δὲ γῆς ἐφεισάμην

πατρίδος, τυραννίδος δὲ καὶ βίης ἀμειλίχου
οὐ καθηψάμην μιάνας καὶ καταισχύνας κλέος,
οὐδὲν αἰδεῦμαι· πλέον γὰρ ὧδε νικήσειν δοκέω,
πάντας ἀνθρωπους.

οὐκ ἔφυ Σόλων βαθύφρων οὐδὲ βουλήεις ἀνήρ
ἐσθλὰ γὰρ θεοῦ διδόντος αὐτὸς σὐκ ἐδέξατο
περιβαλὼν δ' ἄγραν ἀγασθεὶς οὐκ ἐπέσπασεν μέγα
δίκτυον θυμοῦ θ' ἁμαρτῆ καὶ φρενῶν ἀποσφαλείς
ἤθελον γὰρ κεν κρατήσας πλοῦτον ἄφθονον λαβὼν
καὶ τυραννεύσας ̓Αθηνῶν μοῦνον ἡμέραν μίαν,
ἀσκὸς ὕστερον δεδάρθαι κ' απιτετρίφθαι γένος.

The purport of these lines has often been misunderstood. The second fragment is simply a dramatic and ironical statement of the view of the man in the street that Solon was a fool in not making himself tyrant. There is nothing in either fragment to justify the interpretation that they are Solon's serious apology for not having seized and used the tyranny in the interests of either of the two political parties. That interpretation may or may not seem to be suggested by the words in the additional trochaics in Aristotle's Politeia 12. 3:

οὐδέ μοι τυραννίδος ἀνδάνει βία τι ρέζειν.

The occurrence of the idea there would not necessitate its importation here. If we should concede for the sake of the argument that the passage before us is a real political apology, to whom is it addressed? All hypotheses in this matter are based on the comments of Plutarch in his Life of Solon (c. 15). But Plutarch is himself really interested only in his Platonizing moral interpretation of Solon's scorn of the tyranny. And so he does not even make it quite clear which party we are to suppose to have urged the tyranny on Solon. He says in c. 14 that it was οἱ προιστάμενοι and even many τῶν διὰ μέσου πολιτῶν. The word εὐτολμότερον, if we could press Plutarch's words, would perhaps imply that Solon was expected to exercise the tyranny in the interests of the popular party. The προιστάμενοι might be the leaders of the people, or the prominent citizens generally, or, since Plutarch

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