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Wherefore do they go at all then, we should ask, to be called muffs, or to receive, according to the historians of field exploits, occasional reproofs such as few men can put up with? Be this as it may, Mr. Mills is learned in hounds. He narrates how they occasionally eat up one another, and sometimes, but that more rarely, eat up the whipper-in. further, as the biographer of Ringwood, not only narrates some runs with a spirit that interests us as much as if we were participators in the thing itself, but he also unfolds in his canine reflections much concerning the treatment and training of hounds, which will be valuable information even to the initiated.

RULES AND REGULATIONS FOR THE FORMATION OF A VOLUNTEER RIFLE CORPS.*

THE regulations for the proposed Corps are drawn up so as to suit the general convenience of professional men; four hours' attendance at drill only in the week, out of a selection of thirty-six, is required for a few weeks till the member is efficient ; and the subscription is but 37. per annum : the uniform being very simple, and estimated to cost about 67., so that at a very slight sacrifice of time and money, by the adoption of a similar plan every man in England who has the welfare of his country at heart may learn how to defend all that is most dear to him.

It would be well, to avoid the chance of any catastrophe which might occur should we be attacked in our present unprepared state, that our countrymen in every town throughout the kingdom should at once imitate the example of the London Volunteers. Let them raise subscriptions, band together, select officers from among the retired military men in their neighbourhood, and at once send up their offers of service to the Government, or communicate with the mother association in London, and we will answer for it, that in the course of the spring, such a force will be prepared for action that peace may be insured, and the whole country may adopt the motto of the Queen's Own Volunteer Rifle Corps,

"In Utrumque Paratus."

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

A SPLENDID table-book is Boyd's Book of Ballads, from the German. True, some of these ballads have already appeared in this country, but as in the case of Uhland's beautiful poem, "The Dying Girl's Serenade," in a different dress. "The Rhine" is, however, familiar to most persons, and "The Midnight Review" is, we suspect, of French not German origin; but still the collection contains many very pretty things, in tasteful versions, in highly ornamental typography, and with characteristic illustrations. Mr. James Willyams Grylls has embodied his spirited sketches of tropical sports and amusements in a little volume, with the old title of The Out-Station; or, Jaunts in the Jungle. This amusing little book will most assuredly meet with a favourable reception.

Rules and Regulations for the Formation of a Volunteer Rifle Corps, which it is proposed shall, with Her Majesty's gracious permission, te denominated, “The Queen's Own Volunteer Rifle Corps." Parker, Furnival, and Parker; Ollivier, Pall-Mall; and Bosworth, Regent-street.

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AINSWORTH'S MAGAZINE.

A NEW AND REVISED EDITION

OF

CRICHTON:

An Historical Romance,

BY W. HARRISON AINSWORTH, ESQ.

IS NOW PUBLISHING

IN

AINSWORTH'S MAGAZINE,

ILLUSTRATED BY HABLOT K. BROWNE.

CHAPMAN AND HALL, 186, STRAND.

NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE.

MONSIEUR GUIZOT.

1. THE REVOLUTIONARY STORM.

EUROPE has just been struck by one of those extraordinary shocks which defy all the powers of foresight to provide against them. For century after century, the philosopher has not ceased to declaim on the mysterious inscrutability of the workings of Providence, and it has been as constantly the task of the historian to demonstrate the truth of what he taught; yet it requires now and then an event like that which has just taken place before our eyes to impress it upon us in present and deep conviction. It was but yesterday that Europe reposed from one end to the other in apparent security, with no visible cause to threaten its general tranquillity; and now, without any foreseen cause, every European state is filled with fears and apprehensions of no ordinary description. A powerful monarchy, strong in its resources, and busy in strengthening and extending its friendly alliances with the nations around, has in an instant been changed to a democracy, internally weak and confused, its external relations broken up, or regarded with suspicion, and even with terror. A few hours have sufficed to throw from the summit of prosperity a great monarch, rich beyond the ordinary wealth of his brother sovereigns, surrounded by wise and able counsellors, with a numerous army at his beck, and happy in a promising family of princes and princesses, to become an almost penniless wanderer, shrinking from the of his own countrymen, and seeking shelter in the hospitality of a foreign land. Princes and princesses, friends, counsellors, are in a moment divided and scattered to the four points of heaven, and the throne, of which they were the ornaments and support, is levelled with the dust, to be trodden under foot by the very lowest of those who bowed before it.

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We have seen such catastrophes produced by the disasters of long and sanguinary wars, or the result of a continued reign of oppression and tyranny; but in the great and sudden revolution which has just taken place in France neither of these causes existed. The government of Louis Philippe has been mild and patriotic, favourable to the development of the national resources, and of that true national glory which consists in being respected and trusted by other nations; the commercial prosperity of France has been rapidly increasing; its industry has been encouraged; the patronage shown to literature, science, and art, had made it a model for the rest of Europe; the social condition of the people was everywhere improving; and constitutional liberty was every day better understood by the middle and higher classes, and thus becoming more firmly established. But unquiet people were also busy instilling the poison of political discontent into willing ears, and the spirit of evil had spread widely among that class of the population where it is most difficult to provide against its effects. The encroachments of the April.-VOL. LXXXII. NO. CCCXXVIII.

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crown had been effectually put a stop to in 1830; the danger then lay on the other side, and the history of France during the last eighteen years has been that of a continual struggle between constitutional liberty and a turbulent revolutionary spirit, which, by unforeseen events, has for a moment gained the mastery, and has at once overthrown the constitution of the country, and dislocated the whole frame of society, in one of the most important members of the great European confederacy. It is a fearful state of things to contemplate, and one which must, by its paramount importance, absorb for some time public attention even in this country, to the exclusion of almost every other subject; the more so since England has become the haven of refuge for the fugitives. For we have now amongst us nearly all those who have so long and so firmly protected the institutions of their country against the encroachments of unprovoked revolutionary violence-both the court, and the king, and the ministers are here, and among these no single name excites greater interest and sympathy, both for his own greatness, for the prominent part he has acted in the late events, and for the greater personal danger from which he has escaped, than Monsieur Guizot. During the few days while we were ignorant of his fate, people in London inquired for news of the statesman as earnestly as though he had been a friend or a relative.

This feeling, however, although so widely prevalent, has not saved the ex-minister of France from the bitter attacks of a considerable portion of the English press; and many of the journals of the day continue to hold him up to popular odium, as the reckless champion of illiberal governments, or as a man who obstinately persisted in a senseless system, without the experience or foresight to carry it out. These are the cries of prejudice with regard to the past, or of blindness with regard to the significant language of the present. The events which are now rapidly passing before us, so full of deep and fearful meaning, must already have opened the eyes of most of the advocates of the French Revolution of 1848 in this country; and perhaps we may assist in strengthening the conviction which these events carry with them, by our slight historical review of what preceded it.

II. MONSIEUR GUIZOT BEFORE 1830.

FEW men have been so nearly connected with all the great political convulsions which have agitated France since the last century, as M. Guizot. Born at Nimes, in 1787, of an old Protestant family, he was but an infant when the first revolution burst over his country, and his father, an advocate in that city, perished on the scaffold, a victim of the popular ferocity of that fearful period. His mother, who still lives to share, after an interval of half a century, in this new flight from revolutionary resentment, retired with her child to Geneva, and there he pursued those youthful studies which laid the foundation of future celebrity. He returned, while still young, to his native country, and distinguished himself by his literary activity during the later years of the empire. .

In 1814, the Bourbons were restored to the throne, and then M. Guizot was first brought into the ministry, with his friend the Abbé Montesquieu, under whom he took place as under-secretary of state (or, as it was then termed in France, secretaire général) for the Interior. When a new revolution, produced by the re-appearance of Napoleon, again

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