standard of his character which may have been adopted by the public under the delusion of appearances, or the fanaticism of faction. His character was certainly best known to himself—his motives were truly known to no other; and his sentiments respecting his cotemporaries, could only flow in the limpid streams of truth from his own lips; and besides, his fame was his own property; if it had been overrated by those who knew him not, it was competent for him to present the people with a faithful likeness of himself, by which they might correct the error. I do not know, that Mr. Jefferson has disclosed any thing but what might not have been reasonably inferred from his conduct, or deduced from his principles-so that his testimony has only placed beyond doubt, what might have been otherwise open to dispute, controversy and doubt.

The first motive which actuated Mr. Jefferson to order this posthumous publication, was, without doubt, literary vanity-the ruling passion strong in its approach to the grave: the second motive was to solve political problems, which, if not untied, might blur his fame; and to blacken by the worst imputations, the glory of men, whose renown, unless destroyed might equal his own, or perhaps eclipse him. These three motives are evident on the face of these volumes. His Anas,' blacken Washington, Adams, and Hamilton, as MONARCHISTS, with slight shades of difference in their opinions, on trivial subjects. His letters solve many curious problems, among which, and not the least, is his own conduct towards the great federal triumvirate just named. His Memoirs,' gratify his literary vanity, and indicate the extent of fame to which he was destined. I can readily imagine, that Mr. Jefferson might suppose all these publications would redound to his glory and fame-that his Memoir would be venerated by the people, with an enthusiastic devotion in virtue of his services-that his 'Anas,' would manifest a patriotism and love of liberty which would make up for calumny, mendacity and fiction; and that the benevolence and American spirit, which breathes through his Epistles,' would more than compensate for their insincerity, want of coherence, consistence and harmony, as well as candour, rectitude and truth. And as will always be the case in such works, the good will predominate, and thus snatch them as a whole, from that perdition, to which, if totally evil, they must inevitably be doomed. Thus, it is

after all, but a sprinkling of evil that we can detect in the post mortem publications of his grandson, as it respects his own character as a politician and a statesman. How far these documents may affect his party is another question; and I must here candidly acknowledge, that Mr. Jefferson has said enough in these volumes, to overthrow the entire foundation and superstructure of the democratic party; not leaving one stone upon another, or cement enough to bind together a fragment of principle to a pebble of policy! They have wrought a total subversion of the great landmarks, which were supposed to divide the two parties. As the grand magician of his party, who conjured it out of the vices of the French effervescence of Ninety-Three; he has, by a single wave of his wand, dispelled the whole illusion; and the cheating scene vanishes from our view, with the same apparition-like.celerity that it first made its appearance; and we stand paralysed with amazement, at the extraordinary fact, of so large a portion of mankind having given way to a delusion, which eludes the grasp of reason, defies the definition of logic, and baffles the mightiest efforts of the great genius of its author, to reduce it to the palpable form and tangible proportions of reality. Who, in the contemplation of such a picture, can abstain from venting a sigh over the frailty of genius, and indulging in a smile, when he reflects on the easy credulity of the world, that not only swallows with avidity, but invites by eager solicitation, the fiction that enslaves, and the illusion that degrades it!

From a careful investigation of the writings of Mr. Jefferson, published since his demise, we deduce the following three causes of party distinction, between federalists and republicans; most of which, as characterising the former, have been fully adopted and confirmed by the latter.

First.-ENGLISH MONARCHISTS, who adopted the British Constitution as the model of perfection, and desired to introduce it in the United States: the proof being in the desire of the Eastern States to dissolve the Union. This was a fiction of fanaticism, and of course, not to be adopted by any party.

Second. The MONIED ARISTOCRACY, revolving round the Bank af the United States, and the FUNDed Debt. Third. The friends of the UNION OF THE STATES, as contending for the SUPREMACY of the United States over the

States, in opposition to those who espouse STATE RIGHTS, on the ground that the Sovereignty of the latter is paramount to the authority and power of the former!

These may be termed the substantive grounds of party distinction, as avowed by Mr. Jefferson, omitting personal and minor considerations, incidental to, or growing out of them.

Now, the first has been fully exploded as a vision of fanatacism, unworthy the serious attention of any rational being; in itself ridiculous, and completely refuted by the change of the scene of Sedition from the North to the SOUTH; the federalists having become republicans-and the republicans of the South being transformed into English monarchists; yet at the same time being FRIENDS of STATE RIGHTS, as well as champions of the BANK OF THE UNITED STATES-comprehending the singular contradiction of being the largest stockholders in that institution-the essence of the monied aristocracy, and according to Mr. Jefferson's theory, not omitting even VIRGINIA! the admirers of the British Constitution, who desire the restoration of the English Monarchy!

In the second point, we have an ample refutation in the historical fact, that the present Bank of the United States, was incorporated by a Congress unanimously DEMOCRATIC -and that it was APPROVED and SUGGESTED by Mr. JEFFERSON'S FAVORITE democratic DISCIPLE, James Madison, as well as its stock being owned, and its management controlled by democrats-enemies of England, and champions of STATE, RIGHTS! At a time too, when the FUNDED Debt had nearly all got into the hands of the republican party.

His third point of distinction is not much sounder; and carries more of specious pretence to liberty, than true devotion to constitutional law. As the author of the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, nullifying the ALIEN and SEDITION LAWS, Mr. Jefferson is justly considered as the father of this false doctrine, of oppugnation to federal laws, in virtue of reserved rights, not because there do not exist reserved rights, but because, to exercise them in the mode here meditated, would be to destroy the end of government, and prostrate the whole system of rights belonging to the majority; for a few reserved rights, supposed to be infringed by an excited minority. Mr. Jefferson has himself confuted this doctrine of forcible resistance of the laws of the Union in his letter to Judge Johnson, where, in criticising Marshall's decision

in the case of Cohen, he remarks- ... But the chief justice says, there must be an ultimate arbiter somewhere. True, there must, but does that prove it is either party? The ultimate arbiter is the PEOPLE OF THE UNION, ASSEMBLED BY THEIR DEPUTIES IN CONVENTION, at the call of Congress, or of two-thirds of the States. Let them decide to which they mean to give an authority claimed by two of their organs. And it has been the peculiar wisdom and felicity of our Constitution, to have provided this peaceable appeal, where that of other nations is at once to force." Thus emphatically did Mr. Jefferson confute all the differences, which remained for the ingenuity of party to draw a line of hostile separation between nominal federalists and professing republicans. So much for those substantive grounds of difference, which can only be relied on to justify pretensions to superior political virtue in either party.

In the same letter to Judge Johnson, he justifies his publication of his Letters' and Anas' by the following observations- History may distort truth, and will distort it for a time, by the superior efforts at justification of those who are conscious of needing it most. Nor will the opening scenes of our present government be seen in their true aspect, until the LETTERS OF THE DAY, now held in private hoards, shall be broken up, and laid open to public view.' It was, no doubt, to facilitate this object of historical truth, which impelled him to order those publications which have so astonished and electrified some, and so enlightened and undeceived all!

It was doubtless with a view to clear up the opening scenes of the government, that Mr. Jefferson gave his private letters to the gaze of the public eye; and to this laudable motive, blended with that literary vanity, which is so common to all, and so harmless in itself, are we indebted to him for that rich repast which his writings furnish to the curious politician, and the patriotic American.

Whether all has been published from his pen, however, that would throw light on the opening schemes of the political drama of his day, is a question which yet remains to be answered; and which time only can disclose. It seems to be probable that little more remains behind, with the single exception of that full correspondence which took place between him and John Adams, during his retirement; and which naturally excites a desire that those, to whom

the papers of the latter statesman have been confided, will co-operate in clearing up the mystery of the melo-drama of party which has been acted for the amusement of the people, and the profit of the managers, by giving to the public a full and exact edition of his letters, papers and memoirs.

Mr. Jefferson's style of composition will compare with the best authors of the English language, being at once energetic, harmonious, flowing and elegant. His diction was highly expressive, his choice of words copious, and his command of language wonderful; but he sometimes degenerated into the French structure of phrase; and sometimes became feeble and obscure from too much diffuseness. On the whole, however, his composition is equally remarkable for strength, purity and elegance; and he is one of the few of our public men who may take rank by the side of Washington, Hamilton, Marshall, and Jay, for the eloquence of their style, and the force and energy of their diction.

On the whole, viewing his character in every light in which it presents itself, and contemplating him in the aggregate of his greatness, history presents us with few men endowed with greater abilities, or better calculated to promote the happiness of mankind. Fulfilling this destination of his genius and his learning, he carried out into practice the plans suggested by his benevolence for the EQUALIZATION of human rights and human enjoyments; and became, not only one of the FOUNDERS of this great republic, but the special apostle of LIBERTY, in opposition to those systems of ARISTOCRACY which seek to grind the people to the lowest point of human imperfection and enjoyment, in order to make them the more passive and unresisting victims to the fetters of power, and the schemes of ambition. With a heart always alive to the inherent claim of the great family of his fellow beings to life, liberty and property, on the principles of equity and equal rights, he possessed a head endowed with sagacity to penetrate to the causes of human oppression, and resolution sufficient to undertake their removal; nor did he pause in this glorious work of political reformation, until, by patient perseverance, and unremitting labour, he succeeded in the consummation of a system of principles which have secured to the people of the United States the greatest sum of political happiness, which seems compatible with the exercise of universal liberty.