million. The larger portion of those would be the one and two cent fares, for they have from one to six cent fares. That itself is a great boon-to have a smart and cheap service of cars to all parts of the city and suburbs. I ought to say that in addition to these, there are three underground railways in the city, and cheap boats running up and down the Clyde.

Up to recently they were dependent upon upon horse-power for their traction, but three or four years ago the council decided to try electricity on the overhead wire system. The result was encouraging. The percentage of working expenses to receipts was 45.85 as compared with 73.89 for horse-traction. The corporation thereupon decided to adopt electricity throughout the entire system. They are just engaged in making the change.

One thing fails to be noted: Corporations are not as a rule considered the best task-masters, especially to their lower grade employes. Here is an exception. Increases of wages have been given from time to time without any request on the part of the men. In 1897 an increase was given amounting to $26,500. In 1898 another benefit was conferred to the effect that all who, at the close of each year, had been twelve months continuously in the service, should have five days' holiday with pay. This concession meant an annual increase to the wage bill of $12,500. In 1899 another increase, equivalent to an expenditure of $30,000 per annum, was unanimously granted. These facts speak for themselves.

But my time is more than exhausted. I have endeavored to give you some conception of the municipal government of Glasgow, of the principles on which it is based and the work it seeks to do. Whether it is worthy of the high praise which has been lavished on it, it is for you to say. Whether its form would be applicable to the cities of this country it is not possible for me to say. I am not sufficiently familiar with the conditions here as to venture an opinion.

In some things Glasgow is still lacking. Will it surprise you to hear that until four months ago its council had refused to adopt the Free Libraries Act? It had a public library, but not a freelending library. Whenever the matter has been submitted to the electorate, it had always been rejected-usually, it is said, by

means of the female vote. The widows and spinsters among the ratepayers were credited with voting against the proposal. The town council, however, has at last decided to adopt the act.

So too in the matter of Sunday opening of the museums, etc. These places have been kept stubbornly closed on the only day on which tens of thousands of her citizens can make use of them. This is short-sighted policy, unworthy of a pioneer city.

Then, too, in her drink traffic-much waits to be done. The corporation has control of the licensing, and can limit or increase the number of drink shops at will. One good thing—the number is not on the increase. Yet it is still large. In 1898-99 there were 19 hotels, 1,414 public houses and 309 grocers selling drink but not for consumption on the premises-in all 1,742 places where you could get drink. During the year there were 20,000 arrests for drunkenness and infringements of the liquor laws— a sufficiently large indictment of the present condition of things; and the invariable testimony of visitors to Glasgow is: "Well, I more drunken people in her streets, especially women, than of any city I visited." I am sorry to confess that that would probably be true. The council have recently established a home for inebriates, but something more drastic needs to be done, either by the corporation or by some other means.

saw

And in that other matter-the Regulation of Vice. I am familiar with the streets of London, of Manchester, of Liverpool, of Birmingham, of Sheffield, of Leeds. I have seen something of the streets of Boston, New York and Chicago, and I can truthfully say that Glasgow's streets are cleaner in this respect than the streets of any city I know. There is less shameless soliciting either on the part of men or women. If driving it off the streets is an advantage, then Glasgow has the advantage. But this is not to say the evil does not exist. One thing I have sometimes feared-it may be driven out of sight, underground, or into the suburbs that it exists we have too ample evidence.

I do not mention this with a view of suggesting that the municipality can do anything, but simply to show you that my warning at the beginning should not be ignored. We must not expect too much from external means. Machinery can do much, but machinery cannot do everything. There is still room for all the

moral, social, intellectual, spiritual forces that can be brought to bear on life in our large cities. There is work for the church as well as for the council, for philanthropy as well as for civic patriotism. We cannot too often remember that social reform is powerless unless accompanied by a moral reformation-by changes in the habits and thoughts of the well-to-do and the disinherited, and the leavening of the whole inner and outer by the spirit of purity and integrity. And this in the nature of things is gradual. You can fill the earth with summer flowers in weeks and days, but they fade almost ere they bloom, and the desolation of winter comes again and sweeps them all away. But trees are not grown in a night, and an oak will stand for thrice a hundred years. Make your cities a paradise by all means, but then fill them with true men and true women. Do, do, do whatever you can. But remember that society is made up of individuals, and society can only be made perfect by making the individuals perfect. Rectify the wrong conditions by all means; but then rectify the life, the heart of each man and each woman. Without this, you might make your city a paradise, but before this generation passed away it would be a paradise lost.

Note: The statistics in the foregoing article are taken from the 1898-9 reports. The 1899-1900 reports were not at hand.

PRIMARY ELECTION LAWS.

AMOS PARKER WILDER, PH. D.,

Editor Wisconsin State Journal, Madison.

The adoption by the states of the Australian ballot beginning a dozen years ago is the greatest event in American public affairs since the Civil War. It has abated so many abuses that naturally those engaged in caucus reform have sought to enlist the secret voting feature. It now is, as a feature of primaries, in use in over a dozen states.

A proposition looking to nomination reform is a plank in the platform of the Republican party in Wisconsin this year, the subject receiving as much attention as any during the home campaign; and, while there is no mention of municipal elections as a feature of the proposed plan, the discussion has interested us in all that pertains to direct voting, the pros and cons of the delegate, the caucus and the convention; the questions of increased expense, qualifications to register, better candidates and how to get out citizens, not alone the professionals, that the former may have a hand in the selection as well as in the election of candidates.

It is not too much to say that the plan as outlined by Mr. La Follette (since elected governor) is more advanced than any scheme of nomination reform now being operated; it is not strange that especially in those states where caucus reform has already been attempted there should be great interest to know of this Wisconsin proposal. I quote the projector's words:

"We must abolish the caucus and convention by law, place the nomination of all candidates in the hands of the people, adopt the Australian ballot, and make all nominations by direct vote at a primary election. To be more explicit:

"By statutory enactment designate a day at least two months

prior to the general election upon which there shall be a primary election for the nomination for all candidates for office.

"Provide for this primary election an official ballot for each party in the form of the Australian ballot. Upon this ballot print only the names of such candidates for nomination as have filed nomination papers with the secretary of state at least six weeks before the primary election.

"Provide that no man shall be entitled to file a nomination paper with the secretary of state unless a given percentage of the voters of the district, county or state in which he is proposed as a candidate shall have certified upon his nomination papers, their desire that he become such candidate for the office designated, just as judges are called out as candidates under existing law in many states.

"Provide that when each voter enters the election booth on primary election day he shall find a committee of his party in charge of a separate ballot box, and the official primary election ballot upon which is printed the names of all candidates of his party for nomination.

"Provide that each voter may take the ballot of the party with which he affiliates, and in private, indicate thereon the names of the men who are his choice as the nominees of his party, and that he may then deposit that ballot in the ballot box of his party.

"Provide that the men upon the ballots of each party receiving the highest number of votes shall be the nominees of that party at the general election to follow.

"Provide for the selection of a State Central Committeeman from each assembly district to represent each party organization and promulgate the party platform; and for the election of a county committeeman from every voting precinct for each political party.

"Provide severe penalties for the violation of the law, prohibit electioneering in or about the election booth, and insure an honest count and return of the votes cast."

Confining ourselves now to municipal elections, it must be conceded that the effort to eliminate partisan movements in