and even those of a great part of his army: Yet notwithstanding all this mismanagement, Britain stood in need of a foreign force to fave it; and how dan gerous a remedy that is, the hiftories of all ages can witness. "Tis true, this cire cumftance was favourable, that a prince who had married the next heir to these kingdoms, was at the head of our deliverance: Yet did it engage us in a long and expenfive war. And now that we are much impoverished, and England by means of her former riches and present poverty, fallen into all the corruptions which those great enemies of virtue, want, and excess of riches can produce; that there are fuch numbers of mercenary forces on foot at home and abroad; that the greatest part of the officers have no other way to fubfift; that they are commanded by a wife and active King, who has at his disposal the formidable land and fea forces of a neighbouring nation, the great rival of our trade; a King, who by blood, relation, other particular ties, and

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common interest, has the house of Austria, most of the princes of Germany, and potentates of the North, for his friends and allies; who can, whatever interest he join with, do what he thinks fit in Europe; I fay, if a mercenary ftanding army be kept up, (the first of that kind, except those of the ufurper Cromwel, and the late King James, that Britain has feen for thirteen hundred years) I defire to know where the security of the British liberties lies, unless in the good will and pleasure of the King: I defire to know, what real fecurity can be had against standing armies of mercenaries, backed by the corruption of both nations, the tendency of the way of living, the genius of the age, and the example of the world.

HAVING fhewn the difference between the past and present government of Britain, how precarious our liberties are, and how from having the beft fecurity for them we are in hazard of having none at all; 'tis to be hoped that those who are for a standing

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standing army, and lofing no occafion of advancing and extending the prerogative, from a mistaken opinion that they establish the antient government of these nations, will see what fort of patriots they are.

BUT we are told, that only ftanding mercenary forces can defend Britain from the perpetual standing armies of France. However frivolous this affertion be, as indeed no good argument can be brought to fupport it, either from reafon or experience, as shall be proved hereafter; yet allowing it to be good, what security can the nations have that these standing forces fhall not at fome time or other be made use of to fupprefs the liberties of the people, though not in this king's time, to whom we owe their prefervation? For I hope there is no man fo weak to think, that keeping up the army for a year, or for any longer time than the parliaments of both nations shall have engaged the publick faith to make good all deficiences of funds granted for their maintenance, is not the keeping them up

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for ever. 'Tis a pitiful fhift in the undertakers for a standing army, to fay, We are not for a standing army; we are only for an army from year to year, or till the militia be made useful. For Britain cannot be in any hazard from France; at least till that kingdom, fo much exhausted by war and perfecution, shall have a breathing fpace to recover. Before that time our militia's will be in order; and in the mean time the fleet. Befides, no prince ever furrendered fo great countries and fo many ftrong places, I fhall not fay, in order to make a new war; but as these men will have it, to continue the fame. The French King is old and diseased, and was never willing to hazard much by any bold attempt. If he, or the dauphin, upon his decease, may be fufpected of any farther design, it must be upon the Spanish monarchy, in cafe of the death of that King. And if it be objected, that we shall stand in need of an army, in fuch a conjuncture; I answer, that our part in that, or in any other foreign

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reign war, will be beft managed by fea, as fhall be fhewn hereafter.

LET us then fee if mercenary armies be not exactly calculated to enflave a nation. Which I think may be eafily proved, if we confider that fuch troops are generally compofed of men who make a trade of war; and having little or no patrimony, or spent what they once had, enter into that employment in hopes of its continuance during life, not at all thinking how to make themselves capable of

any other. By which means heavy and perpetual taxes must be entailed for ever upon the people for their fubfiftence; and fince all their relations ftand engaged to support their intereft, let all men judge, if this will not prove a very united and formidable party in a nation.

BUT the undertakers must pardon me if I tell them, that no well-conftituted government ever fuffered any fuch men in it, whofe intereft leads them to imbroil the state in war, and are a useless and insupportable burden in time of peace.