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BOOK VI. with an unerring guide whose accuracy will bid defiance even to the most malignant scrutiny '.·

6. We are now far advanced in ascertaining the era of the Cuthic empire of Nimrod: let us see, if we cannot come almost to the very year of its rise. In thus prosecuting the investigation, we shall a second time find the admirable chronology of the Samaritan Pentateuch reconciling sacred and profane history.

As Shem died in the year 502 after the flood, and as we can scarcely suppose that the emigration would quite immediately follow his death, let us hypothetically place it in the year 559 after the same epoch. My reason for selecting this year, rather than any other, is a date mentioned by Epiphanius: he says, that mankind remained in Armenia for the space of 659 years after the deluge. Now such a reading cannot be perfectly accurate, because Peleg died in the year 640; and not only the emigration from Armenia, but even the dispersion from Babel, happened before his death. Yet, as the sum is not given in round numbers, I would rather correct the reading than reject it altogether. Hence, for 659, I would substitute 559; a number, in every respect wholly unexceptionable. According to this hypothesis then, the emigration from Armenia will have taken place 67 years after the death of Shem, and 81 years before the death of Peleg. Consequently, the sufficient period of 81 years will be allowed for the emigration itself, for the building of the tower, and for the dispersion from Babel: and this last event will be placed, as we have seen it must be placed, towards the close of Peleg's life. Thus it appears, that the Cuthic empire of Nimrod, which began (we are told) at Babel, commenced between the years 559 and 640 after the deluge.

Now we have already seen, that this primeval empire, which by Justin is described in round numbers as having lasted fifteen centuries, and which according to the sum total of reigns exhibited by Polyhistor and Ctesias actually lasted 1495 years, was dissolved by the general revolt of its provinces shortly after the middle of the ninth century before Christ. For the independence of Persia, under the Pishdadian dynasty, commenced

'See Append. Tab. III.

• Gen. x. 10.

about the year A. C. 811: and the independence of Media, under the dy-
nasty of the Arbacidæ, commenced in the year A. C. 821. Hence the
Median revolt, which took place 6 years earlier, must have occurred in the
year A. C. 827: and the rise of the Assyrian kingdom under the third
Ninus, or the accession of what is denominated by Dr. Hales the third
Assyrian dynasty, must have happened yet earlier again; for that dynasty
arose synchronically with the extinction of the old double Seuthic or Cuthic
dynasty in the person of Thonus Concolerus, and the extinction of the
Cuthic dynasty was the signal of revolt to Media and the other provinces.
Let us then suppose, that this extinction took place in the year A. C. 830,
or three years previous to the commencement of the Median revolt; which
date cannot possibly be very far removed from the truth. Such an arrange-
ment, when the 1495 years duration of the Cuthic rule are added to the
year
of its dissolution 830, would give the year A. C. 2325 for the epoch
of its first establishment by Nimrod. But we had previously arrived at
the conclusion, that this Cuthic rule commenced between the years 559
and 640 after the deluge. We have now therefore to inquire, whether the
year A. C. 2325 wil fall out any where between those two postdiluvian
years.

According to Abp. Usher, Abraham died in the year A. C. 1821: con-
sequently, between his death and the downfall of the Cuthic empire in the
year A. C. 830, we have an intervening period of 991 years. But Abra-
ham, according to the Samaritan chronology, died in the year 1117 after
the deluge: and Peleg, according to the same chronology, died in the year
640 after the deluge: therefore we have an intervening period of 477 years
between the deaths of these two patriarchs. Since then, from the death of
Peleg to the death of Abraham, we have 477 years; and since, from the
death of Abraham to the dissolution of the Cuthic empire, we have 991
years: we of course shall have, by adding those two sums together, 1468
years from the death of Peleg to the dissolution of the Cuthic empire and
the rise of the Assyrian kingdom. But Trogus says, that the Cuthic empire
lasted in round numbers fifteen centuries: and Polyhistor and Ctesias
jointly give us the precise sum of 1495 years for its duration. Hence, as
a retrograde calculation from the era of its downfall to the death of Peleg
Pag. Idol.
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VOL. III.

CHAP. II.

BOOK VI. has produced 1468 years, it must, if we estimate its entire length at 1495 years, have commenced at Fabel 27 years earlier than the death of that patriarch; for 27 years, added to 1468 years, will give the specified sum of 1495 years. The era therefore of its commencement will be the year A. C. 2325; which coincides, according to the Samaritan chronology, with the year 613 after the deluge: for, as Abraham died in the year A. C. 1821, and as Peleg died 477 years earlier, Peleg must have died in the year A. C. 2298; and 27 years, added to 2298, will thus give the year A. C. 2325 for the commencement of the Cuthic empire at Babel. We had however previously found, on the authority of the Samaritan chronology, that the Cuthic empire must have commenced somewhere between the years 559 and 640 after the deluge: and we now lastly find, in exact accordance with the excellent table of descents exhibited in that chronology, that a calculation, deduced from the year A. C. 830 which must have been very nearly the time when the Cuthic empire was dissolved, and conducted through a long period independently ascribed by pagan history to the duration of that empire, brings us to the year 613 after the deluge; which is precisely about the time, in order to make Scripture consistent with itself, that the Cuthic empire of Nimrod must have commenced at Babel, where we are told it did commence, in the heart of Iran.

We may now therefore venture to pronounce, that the emigration from Armenia took place about the year 559 after the deluge: that Nimrod's Cuthic empire commenced at Babel about the year 613; which will allow 54 years for the journey from Ararat to Shinar: and that the dispersion occurred between the year 613 and the year 640, when Peleg died; which will allow an indefinite period of less than 27 years for the at length miraculously-interrupted building of the city and tower, when the earth was divided in the days of Peleg, that patriarch being yet alive at the beginning of the year 640 after the deluge'.

VI. Let us next proceed to investigate the form of government, which was established in the early Cuthic empire of Iran. On this subject I have

'See Append. Tab. V.

already thrown out some speculations'. It remains therefore to inquire, whether such speculations rest upon any sure basis of positive evidence; but first it will be proper, that they should be briefly recapitulated.

1. If we consider what may be termed the philosophy of politics, the formation of a mixed empire, like that of Nimrod, must almost inevitably have produced that system, which by many has been thought so strange, but which really would spring up even in the way of cause and effect: I mean the system of dividing the several members of the community into separate castes or tribes. This system still prevails throughout Hindostan : and it is radically and effectively the very same as that, which we have been wont to call the feudal system, and which we have been taught to deduce from the forests of Germany. Now it is impossible, in the very nature of things, for such a form of polity to spring out of an homogeneous society: it must invariably originate from conquest and subjugation; nor can any form be better devised to enable a handfull of warriors to rule over a nation or nations far exceeding themselves in number.

The truth of these remarks is established by the uniform testimony of history and by the general experience of mankind. Whenever a sinall and compact band of warriors invades and subjugates a large and populous country, the feudal arrangement of castes is always introduced either in a more or less perfect state. The conquerors become the freemen, or gentry, or military nobility; each baron acknowledging the paramount superiority of the king, and at the same time presiding over his own district at the head of his armed gentry and free-born vassals: while, on the other hand, the conquered become the serfs tied down to the soil which they cultivate, or exercise those various necessary trades which their military superiors despise as servile and degrading. Under such circumstances, diversity of blood and diversity of condition alike tend to perpetuate this system of distinct castes. Matrimonial commixtures may not indeed be absolutely forbidden by a positive law: but they will be almost as effectually prevented, by pride of birth on the one side, and by mortifying inferiority on the other. The military nobles and gentry will be anxious to preserve the

• Vide supra book i. c. 1. § IV. 2. (3.).

CHAP. II.

BOOK VI.

purity of their descent by suitable alliances: they will wholly intermarry among themselves: proud as may be their superiority over their serfs or villains, they will view their king, not as a lordly master, but only as the highest member of their own order: and they will with reason consider this order, as wholly distinct from those of the tradesmen and the labouring peasants. In a similar manner, the inferior orders will be led almost inevitably to intermarry solely among each other: they will look up to their military governors with a base and servile awe: and, both by blood and by condition, they will but too unequivocally feel themselves to be completely distinct castes from the nobility and the freemen.

Such became the state of Europe by the downfall of the western empire, and such were the maxims universally adopted by the Gothic conquerors. Hence the Scythic Vandals of Spain could not take an oath of allegiance to their sovereign without previously telling him, that they were individually as good as he, and collectively more powerful than he. Hence, when the same high-spirited race received Philip of Bourbon as their king, each grandee, in signing the declaration of allegiance, added to his name the words Noble as the king. Hence, as in the progress of society patents of nobility came to be granted to new men, originated the famous maxim of French law, which so strongly expresses the feelings of the old military caste of Gothic conquerors; that every gentleman was a nobleman, though every nobleman was not a gentleman'. Hence, in the middle ages, the greatest sovereigns would give their daughters to private noblemen, and would not disdain to receive the honour of knighthood from the sword of a soldier of family. Hence Francis the first of France was proud to style himself the first gentleman of his kingdom, while the sovereign's elder brother bore a title which emphatically pointed him out as the first gentleman among subjects; the king and the royal family acknowledging themselves in each case to be no more than members of the military caste of the old gentry. And hence, even in the present day, the ancient idea is pre

An exactly similar idea is ascribed to our Elisabeth in her not very civil speech respecting the wives of the early protestant bishops of England. She had been requested to give them the same rank as that enjoyed by their husbands. No, replied her highness, I can make them ladies indeed, but it is out of my power to make them gentlewomen.

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