mand public attention, possess, in some good degree, the public confidence, and ex-, ercise, therefore a strong influence over public opinion. It matters not, for the results of things, by what motives or considerations such persons are impelled. Some, no doubt, are led into such fatal error through an amiable sympathy with what is called "the masses;" which would be very amiable and commendable, if it were not so indulged as to extinguish every sentiment of kindness, or even tolerance, towards the rest of the community, sealing up both the judgment and the conscience in complete judicial blindness. Others, again, are betrayed through the delusions which they practice on themselves in the pursuit of some plausible but mischievous theory in politics-some theory, quite probably, the chief merit of which consists in rejecting all history and all experience, and proposing to govern men as if they were gods. By far the greater number, however, of these persons, it is to be feared, have nothing else in view but the success of party, or the accomplishment of personal objects of petty ambition or paltry gain-who cannot afford, they think, and will not submit, to let any portion of the people who have votes to bestow on election days, slip away from them, or fail to come to their aid, in every need, for want of a little dishonest flattery on their part, or because it may be necessary to make a public sacrifice of principle, in order to avoid so heavy a discount of popular support. They look to the end, and they easily quiet themselves about the means. They are struggling for success; and success, in their convenient morality, will cover a multitude of sins. It is quite astonishing, and very humiliating, to think how much eminent ability, in one way and another-in one party, or fragment of party, and another-is employed in this way. Alas! they little know the mischief they are doing. They little know how deep-seated and wide-spread that moral disease is becoming, and will become, the seeds of which they are sowing in the community, or the germs of which, if planted by other hands, they are assiduously laboring to cultivate. It is this which makes all the danger in the case. It is this which converts a slight and innocuous eruption on the surface of things, into running sores and foul and malignant ulcers. It is this which aggravates a merely local and temporary ebullition of popular heat and impatience,

which would easily subside if left to itself, under the influence of a sound public sentiment-gentle, yet firm, charitable, yet uncompromising into a popular commotion which shakes the pillars of the State. It is this, and this alone, which makes" subterranean " Democracy formidable and dangerous, and converts it from what it should be, and might be made the ally of a peaceable, orderly, and righteous government-into a disaffected, unreasoned, and unappeasable enemy. It is this which gives to subterranean fervors, which otherwise would smoulder harmlessly on, affording no evidence of their existence or their mischievous power, beyond an occasional low and distant rumbling, an intensity and activity which set the whole earth above them heaving and trembling to its foundations. It is this which gives to vulgar and scandalous sentiments in politics all their circulation and all their virulence, and which makes the most infamous courses and practices in politics tolerated, and even respectable, in public estimation. It is in this way, in short, that, as a people, we have come to be obnoxious to the grave charge of public licentiousness; when, otherwise, the world would have seen nothing in our history or condition, in this respect, beyond those occasional excesses and irregularities-partial and temporary only, and easily controlled and suppressed-to which every country, and especially every free country, must be subject.

But, passing from these general observations the force and pertinency of which may become more apparent as we go on--we propose to devote this paper to some consideration of that extraordinary state of things which has existed of late in several counties of the State of New York, under the machinations and movements of persons calling themselves" Anti Renters." In all this matter there is nothing, we believe, which is difficult or hard to be understood. When things are called by their proper names, they will immediately appear in their true light. A few plain definitions, and some simple explanations, thrown in in the course of our remarks, will enable us, without difficulty, to sound "all the depths and shoals" of this subject.

It happened that an individual, born and bred in this country, and never out of it in his life, and who came to his majority about the year 1785, came, at that same

time, into the possession, by inheritance, of a very large estate in lands. It was a large estate, counting it by the number of acres comprised within its limits; for it embraced a very large proportion of all the territory now within the two counties of Albany and Rensselaer; but it was then, the larger part of it, an estate in the wilderness, and productive only of a very moderate income. The young proprietor, however, caused the wilderness to be penetrated by his surveyors; and, within ten years from his majority, his lands, arranged into farms of convenient size, were found, with the ownership in fee, except in a comparatively few cases, in the hands of a body of substantial freeholders which must have numbered not far from three thousand. No other example can be found in the State, or perhaps in the United States, of so large a tract of wild land brought, in so short a time, into actual settlement and cultivation, under independent farmers, each one the owner of the soil on which he bestowed his labor. But the original proprietor had not absolutely given away his inheritance. Nobody, it is presumed, at that day, expected or wished him to do so. The settlers had wanted the lands, as the proprietor had wanted purchasers for them, but they were without the means of paying for them; and they were estimated at that period, as surveyed into farms, taking the whole tract together, at an average price of about three dollars an acre. The lands were not to be had without some compensation to the proprietor; and the question was, on what terms might cultivators, who had nothing to pay, go into the possession of them? One arrangement might have been for them to come under obligations to pay for the soil, according to its valuation, within some stipulated period, and in the mean time to pay an annual interest on that amount, leaving the land with all the improvements they might put upon it in the hands of the proprietor, or to stand as a pledge for the payment. This was one way often practiced in the country. But there was another, namely, that the purchasers, receiving free deeds of the soil, should undertake to make to the original proprietor a fixed and specific return of annual profits, equal to a very moderate interest on the estimated value of the soil at the time of the transfer. The latter mode of compensation was the one proposed, and agreed upon. They became at once, by deeds of conveyance, the owners of the soil in fee simple; they

stipulating on their part to make an annual render of profits to the proprietor, in the shape of a certain amount of the products of agriculture and of their labor. As a general rule, the product of one acre of the land, or, at most, of one acre and a half, under tolerable cultivation, was sufficient to discharge the annual dues on a farm of one hundred and sixty acres; and in all cases where the lands were new, no return whatever was demanded, or was demandable, by the original proprietor, for the first seven years after the purchaser took possession.

Such, then, was the state of things in what was called the Manor of Rensselaerwyck. Within ten years, or thereabouts, of the time when the proprietor came into full possession of his estate, then much of it in the wilderness, he had created a body of substantial freeholders, three thousand in number we suppose, every one of whom was as good a voter as himself for the highest offices in the State-and that, when none but freeholders could vote for such offices. But these freeholders were not wholly free from debt. It would have been most extraordinary if they had been. When they took possession of these lands, they had not the means to pay for the first acre. The occupant became the owner, in fee, of 160 acres of land; and as land was not common property like the air, or to be had only for the asking, it would seem to follow of course that some sort of indebtedness must have been contracted on account of so handsome a possession. He was in possession, as proprietor, of a capital in land, after seven years from the commencement of his occupancey, which at a moderate estimate, taking the average value throughout the tract, was not less than sixteen hundred dollars; and as yet he had not paid, or been required to pay, one farthing on account of it to the original owner. The foundation of this amount of solid property was the land furnished by the owner, free of all charge for the space of seven years. On this land the settler had wrought, and out of it he had had his living, for seven years; when, by means of his improvements, and the natural rise in the value of the land, by the progress of things in the country, he had come to be the possessor and owner of this respectable amount of property. And then it was, for the first time, that he was held to any payment whatever on account of his land. Then, by the terms of his contract, a charge did accrue out of it to the

original proprietor. This charge, varying in different parts of the “Manor,” estimated in cash, was equal to an interest varying from one and a quarter to something less than two per cent. on the value of the farms at the time when the charge began to be payable.

The plain statement we have here made shows, in general terms, the relationship established between the occupants and owners of lands in the counties of Albany and Rensselaer, and the original proprietor. They had their lands without any payment of purchase-money in hand, and without any agreement even to pay a principal sum for them. Instead of this, they undertook to pay an annual rent; and as they were perpetually exempt from any obligation to pay a principal sum, this rent was to be perpetual. The important fact that we have now to notice is, that, for six years past, throughout the greater part of these two counties, where lands are held in the manner we have described, there has been a CONCERTED, PRACTICAL REPUDIATION of these rents, and of the obligations, or contracts, under which they are payable. This concerted action now embraces, and has for a considerable period embraced, several other counties, where lands are held under the like or analogous obligations.

It is not difficult to see how the design of repudiation should come to be entertained. If there had been a dozen or a hundred landholders only, scattered through the county of Albany, having their lands charged in the manner we have stated, with the payment of rent to as many different landlords, and no more cases of the sort were to be found in the State, there is not the slightest reason to suppose that it would ever have entered into the imagination of any one of them, that there was anything in this particular form of indebtedness which required him, or which left him at liberty, to repudiate the debt if he could. But sentiments and purposes which solitary individuals dare not avow or entertain, on account of their profligacy or injustice, communities of men, composed of just such individuals, will oftentimes boldly embrace. There seems to be nothing so intrinsically base or wicked, that respectable and apparently wellmeaning persons may not be found to encourage and support it, provided only it have the sanction of numbers in its favor. Many, perhaps the majority of mankind, never look at all into the

grounds of any opinion or belief they may entertain, or of any line of conduct they may pursue. It is sufficient for them that they think and act as others do around them, and that they have the countenance of what seems to be public or popular opinion for the time. It is in this way, we believe, that the idea of a general repudiation of debts, existing in the form of rent charged on lands, so far as such repudiation should be found practicable, came to be entertained and extensively propagated. There were persons enough holding lands on this condition to make common cause, and cover themselves under a public opinion of their own. There were some thousands of such occupying the lands of Rensselaerwyck alone; for the number of holders had become of late greatly multiplied, without materially increasing the quantity of land held in this manner. Indeed, a very large proportion of the whole country population of Albany and Rensselaer counties had an interest, direct or incidental, in the subject. It happened too, in this case, that one individual, or one family alone, stood in the relation of creditor, for the dues charged on the lands, to this large community of landholders. Down to January, 1839, when Stephen Van Rensselaer died, they were mutually debtors to one man. Since that period there have been two creditors for their rents instead of one, but only one in each county. Attention was thus centered on an individual as the owner and receiver of these dues from so many debtors. This, of itself, was enough to create a bond of union and sympathy between the debtors. It was very natural that even the best and most honest among them should be led to compare their own personal condition with his. Thoughts of his extraordinary wealth would arise and become the subject of remark. Envious thoughts beget evil desires and designs. In this condition of things, the worst spirits in the community are sure to lead; and it would soon come to be a common reflection and sentiment among them, "Why, here is a gross disproportion in the distribution of wealth, and this must be all wrong if there be any virtue or excellence in republican equality. This is tribute which we are paying; this man is a lordling in a republican country, and we are serfs!" From this to the cry of "Down with the Rent," was but a short step. Moreover, this course of events was materially helped forward

by the serious accumulation of indebtedness upon the " Manor,” which had been suffered to grow up in the time of the late proprietor. A more amiable and excellent man has not lived in our time. Often did he resort to borrowing rather than exact payment from debtors, who either neglected to come to him at all, or who came to him with plausible excuses for delay. He would not run the slightest hazard of acting oppressively towards any human being. But it is easy to see that many would take advantage of this lenity, dishonestly to withhold their dues, and of purpose to lead the way to a common resistance to the whole indebtedness. They knew that the difficulty of enforcing collections would be greatly increased, and the motives to resistance greatly strengthened. And so it has undoubtedly turned out.

The first Anti-Rent outbreak—we mean of late years-occurred in the county of Albany. During the life-time of the late proprietor, everything remained quiet. A sense of gratitude for continual favors, and a feeling, perhaps, that any outrage committed towards him or his estate would be resented by the common sentiment of the whole country, repressed any open show of that bitter animosity which has since been exhibited. Things were, no doubt, prepared and ripening for a movement, and his death was the signal for action. The "Manor" was immediately alive with a general stir. Meetings were held; committees were appointed; negotiations were had, and high demands were made, which were rejected, it may be, in no very gracious temper. The breach widened. Attempts to enforce collections, or serve process, were met by resistance. Outrages were committed on the officers of the law. Combinations were effected by which all legal process was rendered wholly nugatory." Posses" were called out which effected nothing. And then came the Helderberg War. Bodies of armed militia marched into the disaffected country-and marched back again. The Legislature interfered, and commissioners were appointed by public authority, to interpose between parties to private contracts, to effect a settlement. Of course, they effected nothing. The payment of rents throughout the whole "Manor" was, in a great degree, suspended, and so has remained to this day. Ever since the death of the late Mr. Van Rensselaer, there has been, to a great extent, in all this "Manor," a practical repudiation of debts, in the shape of rents, actually con

summated. None pay but the few who choose voluntarily to do so. There are, no doubt, many who choose to pay, but do not because they dare not. They are threatened with personal injury and the destruction of their property, by their neighbors, if they should do so. The law in this regard is powerless, and has been so for the long period of time we have mentioned. If an officer appears, the blast of a horn is sounded before him, and prolonged, if need be, by innumerable echoes, and he can find nobody whom he wishes to see. Nearly the whole population in many towns are "AntiRenters." Their names are signed to articles of association. They make regular and stated contributions, by a tax of so much per acre on their lands, to a common fund for the support of the AntiRent cause. And large numbers among them are regularly enlisted, organized and armed, ready to appear at any moment, disguised as Indian warriors, for any desperate service to which they may be assigned. In the mean time this practical repudiation, supported by extensive combinations, and backed by an armed force, has spread to other counties. In about fifteen or seventeen other counties lands, to a greater or less extent, are held under grants which reserve rents, in many respects, not unlike those of Albany and Rensselaer; and in several of these the like associations and organizations, and the like practical repudiation, exist. In some of them the greatest outrages on the order and peace of society have been perpetrated. The law and its ministers have been set at open defiance, and murder has been committed-if that should be called merely murder, where death is dealt by a volley in the broad day, from a force numbering some hundreds of men, in regular military array, and organized and in the field avowedly to arrest and resist the course and administration of the law of the land and the authority of government. It may be added that one county-Delaware-is declared, by a public proclamation of the Governor, to be at this moment in a state of insurrection.

This, then, is a case of flagrant repudiation-attempted, and, as far as possible, already consummated. And the combinations for this object, as we have seen, are very extensive, and means have been resorted to to make the object effectual, which give it a very marked, aggravated and dangerous character. We do not suppose that all who are en

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gaged in it, or who contribute to support by their means or influence, wish or intend that the cause of repudiation shall be pushed so far as to wipe off, at once and forever, every vestige of debt existing in the shape of rent, and bring about a thorough and complete acquittance of all the debtors by force of this movement. This is the purpose of some, no doubt; but many, we dare say, are willing to see a compromise effected-of course, at the expense of the creditors. The object of many, no doubt, is to compel these creditors to sacrifice a part of their dues, in order to secure the rest. Perhaps, the most of the "Anti-Renters" do not look for a permanent result to their labors much beyond this. But, in the mean time, repudiation is actually accomplished, probably in eight cases out of ten, in some half-dozen counties of the State where this kind of indebtedness exists. And if Anti-Renters" mean, in the end, to be liberal enough to allow their creditors to receive a part of their dues, still the mischief of repudiation is done. It is just as base an act of turpitude, so far as principle is concerned, to compel a creditor, by violence or intimidation, to give up a part of what is honestly and fairly due to him on a legal contract, as it would be to rob him of the whole. The highwayman who divides with his victim on the road, after he gets him in his power, may be called a generous fellow, but he is a robber nevertheless. Our admiration of his generosity, even, would be a good deal abated if it should appear that he gave up part of his booty because he lacked the physical ability to carry it all away. If, indeed, it should turn out that the contracts in this case are illegal, or that the debts are unconscientious, the moral character of the transaction would certainly be changed. How that may be we may understand better, perhaps, by and by. But this is repudiation; and, as we have seen already, it is repudiation with a high hand, and accompanied with manifold and outrageous crime. Wanton violence offered to innocent and unoffending persons, destruction of property, robbery, arson and murder, are among the offences committed in carrying it out.

And this is not all, or the worst. The State has been attacked in its sovereignty, and the foulest treason has been committed. Extensive combinations have been formed, embracing many thousands of persons, and extending through seve

ral counties, to resist, by force of arms, all attempts to enforce the payment of rent by legal process and authority, and the execution of all criminal process growing out of such resistance; and actual flagrant war, even to the shedding of blood, has been levied against the State. A tragical affair, as our readers know, occurred in August last, at Andes, in Delaware, when an officer, by the name of Steele, was shot down in the performance of his duty. A force, altogether, of 260 armed men, appeared on and near the ground on that occasion, in regular military array. This was not a demonstration got up merely for the case then in hand-the sale of property taken on a warrant of distress-and to end with that case; it was only one act in an organized and systematic resistance to the process and authority of the law in every case of the sort throughout the whole disaffected region. There were, at that time, according to the Proclamation of the Governor upon that event, a thousand or more persons enrolled, and sworn, as "Indians," within the single county of Delaware; while, of the force actually on the ground at Andes, a considerable portion had been drawn from two of the adjoining counties. We are advised officially, by the same respectable authority, that combinations to resist, by force, the execution of both civil and criminal process, have existed, for some time, in several counties; that the associations formed for this purpose have engrafted upon their organization a force of disguised, masked and armed men, subject to the orders and directions of the officers of these associations, and by and through which force, under the protection of its disguises and masks, the resistance to the execution of legal process is to be made; that the avowed and declared object of the associations is to prevent by force the collection of rent; that they have a regular fisc, to which fixed contributions are statedly made; that the officers of the associations, and all the enlisted men, are sworn to be true to this cause, and to keep each other's secrets; that magistrates, constables and supervisors have joined these combinations; and that these organizations, armed and unarmed, wherever they exist, have and avow a common object, make common cause, and act in entire concert and cooperation. Here, then, is rebellion, wide-spread, and of desperate intent. The object proposed is of a general