THE government of these United States has been called an experiment. There was certainly some novelty, and much boldness in the enterprise. Ancient republics had been overturned, and systems of a widely different character had been built upon their ruins. Little encouragement was found for the attempt in previous examples or existing models. The particular effort has been denounced for its rashness, scorned for its anticipated failure, and applauded, pitied, or condemned according to the temper of the foreign inquirer, for having thrown discredit upon a series of attempts to maintain free institutions, of which it is supposed that this will be the last. Should these predictions be verified, and these reproaches be confirmed, the result will perhaps be owing, not so much to a want of merit in the thing itself, as to a deficiency in the means supplied for fair experiment. While simplicity is a beauty, rudeness, which is exaggerated sim plicity, is a defect. A people, abstractly speaking, and without allusion to ourselves, may be freer than freedom, and thereby may run into licentiousness. They may want some subordinate but indispensable requisites for prosperous self-government, while they are in possession of all the rest, and thus may practically fail in accomplishing ends which their main design and general arrangements are calculated to fulfil. They who expect that nations may be made happy, in an Utopian sense, either by a particular form of government, or by the mode in which it is administered-in other words, that human nature becomes perfect by a prudent modification or faithful execution of a body of laws, or by both combined-will surely be disappointed. Not less so will be those who believe that any plan of national polity can be wise or just that would exclude from its composition ingredients, which universal experience has proved to be necessary. Men, as Iago says, are but men. They

must be treated, ministered to, provided for and governed as such. Whatever may be their situation, something more than food and rest is required for their wellbeing and prolonged mortal existence. In like manner, something is required in their political, social and moral union, besides treaties of commerce, boundary, amity and alliance, to preserve their foreign relations; and divisions of department, levies of revenue, and punishment of crimes, to complete internal organization, prosperity, improvement, security and permanent repose. Now, it may well be that this superadded something is occasionally, and for a season dispensed with; or, at least, that the actual use of it is deferred, without positive suffering on the one hand, and without proving it to be immaterial on the other. Analogy here, too, is not wanting to our bodily condition. An infant's wants may be entirely satisfied by sleep and food. Maturity and manhood cannot be nourished with the milk of babes.

In taking a seemingly distant start from our real object, we have not for a moment lost sight of the productions at the head of our article, or of the ends which they have in view. A National Institute is not a mere national embellishment. It would sadly misrepresent its true character, and fatally interfere with the accomplishment of its designs so to describe it, if by embellishment be intended something distinct from usefulness. Ornaments are frequently nothing else than ornaments. True taste avails itself with reluctance of their assistance, on any occasion, in that narrow sense. If, according to the Greek writers, utility be the source of beauty, genuine ornament and practical use are inseparable companions. A ring at the nose of an Indian warrior presents to our sophisticated views, no substantial purpose, and it is probably in his rude judgment decorative merely. His rattling wampum pouch,

though a source of no less pride as an article of embellishment, serves him as a place of deposit for powerful elements of war; and his calumet is both tranquil izing to an excited nervous sensibility, and emblematic of the peace which it commemorates. The uses of a National Institute, if a distinction may be drawn, are far more important and striking than its ornamental qualities, numerous as the latter may be. It is calculated to fill

the vacuum, otherwise incident to a confederated republic, which wants the usual facilities in its frame of government, which other national sovereignties possess, for the encouragement and promotion of science and the arts. It was a happy thought of the framers of the Constitution to provide for setting apart for exclusive Federal Legislation, a portion however small, of the vast territory embraced within the limits of the Union. While responsibility was withdrawn from each particular State to a certain extent, and jealousy among the States would be confined to generous emulation, if applied to objects belonging to them as such, the general government would assume the power and prerogatives of universal sove reignty without conflict with coexisting Sovereignties equally supreme. Most of the objects of Federal supremacy are compatible with the domestic supremacy of each individual commonwealth. Each may exercise its allotted powers in harmony with the other. They are of a character so definite as to be in little danger of clashing. But exclusive jurisdiction exists in the general government in one small spot: and the States which everywhere else have cautiously reserved to themselves, by omitting to concede a long catalogue of attributes, with all the developments which time and subsequent events might unfold, have, in that one spot conceded all that could be taken without enumeration or reserve. Unless Federal authority can supply the wants and necessities of an intelligent people thus confided to its especial care, it is obvious that their condition must be in all respects deplorable, and the selected position of a nation's happiest and proudest exertions becomes a barren and a blighted waste. If it can, the effect is not limited to the narrow space allotted as a seat of government. The good seed planted in the ten miles square, will produce fruit for every corner of the land. Exercising jurisdiction only in the district of Columbia; looking to an establish

ment whose roots are planted immovably there, the general government will not infringe a hair's breadth upon reserved rights, which will be sacredly and literally respected and observed. We close this preliminary matter with a reference to one or two not inappropriate illustrations of the advantage of government protection towards objects of the nature we are contemplating, and of the beneficent ends which they are competent to accomplish. In the year 1529, when Florence was taken, and the infuriated soldiers entered the monastery of the Salvi, they were so struck with the picture of the Last Supper, by Andrea del Sarto, that they felt an indescribable awe, and retired without committing any violence. An inaugural address of Professor Lieber, delivered at the college of South Carolina, contains a relation of the following circumstance, which he styles a precious gem to the student of history ---

When the city of Leyden, in common with all the Low Countries, had fought through the bloodiest and perhaps the noblest struggle for liberty on record, the great and good William of Orange offered her immunity from taxes that she might recover from her bitter sufferings, and be rewarded for the important services which she had rendered to the sacred cause. Leyden, however, declined the offer, and asked for nothing but the privilege of erecting a University within her walls, as the best reward for more than human endurance and perseverance." An Institution of a national character for the promotion of education, science and the arts, was a favorite object of the patriotism of Gen. Washington. His sentiments, and the frequent and recorded expression of them, were founded not merely in a regret at seeing the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for education, whereby they contract "too frequently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to republican government and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind." It was his "ardent wish to see a plan devised on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and State prejudices." His view extended to education in a central position in all the branches of polite literature, in the arts and sciences, to the formation of friendships in juvenile years, to a freedom from local prejudices and habitual jealou

sies, which, when carried to excess, he regarded as never-failing sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant with mischievous consequences to the country.

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"The National Institution," as appears by the introductory remarks of the first Bulletin," "was organized at the seat of Government on the 15th May, 1840." Its objects, according to the same paper, "are to promote science and the useful arts, and to establish a National Museum of Natural History," &c. &c. With such declared designs its importance can readily be perceived. We shall perform no unacceptable service in tracing briefly its course from this beginning in pointing out some of the individuals who have given it efficient aid-in explaining the character of its wants and possessionsand in accounting, if we can, for the strange and startling fact that with every promise and prospect of utility, more than five years have elapsed without the attainment of an existence sufficiently firm to defy apprehensions of a want of permanency, and without a fair fulfilment of all the reasonable expectations of its friends.

It was an auspicious opening that found associated with itself individuals of abilities, activity, public spirit and liberality. While the effort was purely private-that is, sustained by no government assistance, promise or preliminary movement of any kind-it contemplated from an early moment countenance from the national councils, and furtherance from the national funds. The birth place was one created by the government. Its inhabitants, one and all, were either engaged in public duties, or attracted to a residence on the spot by objects and motives connected with public persons or public affairs. The first director was the Secretary of War; a gentleman who derived the least important share of his qualifications from his connection with the Cabinet; who had laid a deep foundation of taste and accomplishment in liberal education, cultivated taste and extensive foreign travel. Other members of the Administration brought to the design large contributions of official influence and personal merit, while officers of the army and navy, and others, of scientific habits and general accomplishments gave cheerful and efficient support to the undertaking. Departments were soon organized. These were so subdivided as to embrace the various branches

of science and the arts, in their most recent developments, and they were filled with a view to the utmost energy in each. They consisted of departmentsof geology and mineralogy-of chemistry

of the application of science to the arts-of literature and the fine arts-of natural history-of agriculture-of astronomy-of American history and antiquities-and of geography and natural philosophy. To these was afterwards added, at the suggestion of Mr. Pickering, of Boston, a "department of natural and political sciences." These departments are susceptible of an expansiveness that may embrace the whole world of science, that, according to the antithesis of an Irish orator, may discover the cause of blight in an ear of corn, or a new fixed star. Like the nine Muses, which have continued, with occasional local assistance, to exercise dominion over knowledge in all its diversity and details, though they have long since ceased to dwell upon Parnassus, or to quaff the limpid waters of Helicon, the nine departments of the "National Institution" will probably meet all the wants of this portion of the scientific world for at least a century.

At an early meeting they were officially requested to collect, without delay, "all reports made by committees of Congress, and by Executive officers of the government, illustrating the geogra phy, history, geology, manufactures, commerce, &c., of the United States." This was a measure of obvious propriety. It was one of no less importance. Stores of information are contained in these reports, not derived essentially, or even chiefly, from the persons by whom they are immediately made, but from the authentic materials which compose the subjects, and the statistical, political and even financial investigations by which they are accompanied. A single illustration will suffice. An examination was made by Professor Walter R. Johnson and Dr. King, under the direction of the Navy Department, of the various coals which abound in the country. The analysis was pushed probably to the utmost limits which labor and abilities, directed by profound and accurate science, could attain. Mere individual researches could not easily have been carried so far. A voluminous report embodies the result, and it has been printed by order of Congress. If this valuable document partake of the fate of many of a similar charac

ter, it will be found, after a brief period, with diligent search, on an uppermost shelf of the "document room," or it may be furnished as an almost sealed book to the Members of Congress amidst crowds of less significant matter; but it will scarcely be accessible to a tithe of those who are interested in the perusal. If displayed among the appropriate archives of the Institute, and thence diffused and detailed through minds, and pens and lips that might become its heralds, incalculable good would be the effect. The argument may be pressed a little farther. If the superintendence and responsibility of these experiments, instead of resting with a Secretary of the Navy always burdened with a load of direct duty, were reposed in a scientific institution, equally with himself an organ of the government, the labors of the scientific investigators would be lightened, and their calculations, retaining all the virtue of individual talent, would assume the authenticity of combined learning, experience and dignity.

We may notice here another object, not long since smuggled into existence, which prolific of useful purposes as it is likely to become, would greatly expand in power to do good, if it were part of a greater scheme of science to which it should minister, and by which it would be benefited in return. We allude to a national observatory now in operation at the seat of government with excellent instruments, and most of the appliances for observations of the heavenly bodies. Astronomical ephemerides will be here annually produced which will enable the navigators of our own military and mercantile marine to keep their path securely upon the ocean in patriotic reliance upon the calculations of their countrymen.

At an early day the attractiveness of an Institute was manifested in the liberal donations of those who felt an interest in it. Possessors of valuable specimens of the rich productions of art or nature must feel that no tenure can be more precarious than that which depends upon individual health and unchanging pursuits; while permanence is secured by public care of interesting objects, and masses of them in one vast depository afford opportunities for comparison and deduction which could not attend separate or smaller collections, however costly to the proprietor. The philosophic student attains the great end of his inquiries by having before him an epitome of uni

versal discovery in the particular sphere. All are effectively his own. He contributes a mite towards a complete and perfect mass when he yields the gatherings of his own store, and he is rewarded for his liberality in the enjoyment of united excellence and familiarity with its instructive details. Collections of objects of scientific interest furnish farther and greater usefulness, in multiplying particular specimens which can without sacrifice or loss be exchanged. Different depositories are thus supplied; and each philosopher in his own cabinet observes, and judges and compares, only to be gratified with a confirmation of his deductions, or a correction of his errors, in the exercise of similar observation, judgment and comparison elsewhere.

Among the early contributors it gives us pleasure to notice as a distinguished exemplar, the amiable lady of the "first director," who exhibited in her gifts both taste and munificence. The names of other fair donors are from time to time recorded. A tradition of the "Grand Conseil" of the ancient city of Malines in Belgium, runs thus: The conqueror of Francis the First having obtained a decree from this Tribunal against the rebellious inhabitants of Ghent, doubted whether the judges had not been influenced more by his imperial power than a simple regard for justice, and in the midst of such reflections on the way from Malines to Brussels, he ordered his coachman to drive through a flock of sheep that were feeding in a meadow near the road. The order was executed, and some of the unhappy quadrupeds perished beneath the feet of the horses and the carriage wheels. The courtiers marveled what could be the meaning of the Emperor. The owner of the sheep demanded justice at the hands of the Prince. Obtaining no answer, he had recourse to the "Grand Conseil," and the Emperor was summoned. He appeared in person: the witnesses were heard, and the decision was postponed until the next day; but the cause of the Plaintiff appeared so clear, that the condemnation of the monarch was inevitable. It was, however, no small affair to condemn Charles the Fifth. The Counselors, ruminating on his power, and dreaming of the vindictive temper which poets ascribe to gods and heroes, were ill at ease. One of them sighed and groaned so heavily during the night that he awoke his wife. She insisted upon knowing the cause of

his distress, and having learned the alarm of the judges she gave such advice as was calculated to relieve them from their embarrassment, and which they did not hesitate to adopt as soon as they were informed of it by the happy husband. At the appointed time the Emperor appeared at the audience. He remarked with surprise that the Members of the Council were not dressed in red, black and blue gowns, according to their respective callings as judges, clergymen and men of the sword. The red and the blue gowns had disappeared, and the whole council was dressed in black. The surprise of the Emperor was great. He was struck with what was a violation of every usage, and perhaps an insult to his greatness. "What is the meaning of this costume?" exclaimed he, in anger. "Sire," answered the President, your parliament has gone into mourning, because the law, which is stronger than their sovereign himself, obliges them this day to condemn him." The reply satisfied the monarch. He perceived at once the equity of his judges, and their respect for him. He desired to know who had suggested the idea to the Council, engaging beforehand to confer honors upon the person. When he was

informed that it was a woman, he did not retract his promise. He ordered that she should thenceforth have a seat in the "Grand Conseil," and that her opinion should always be first called for. From that time, says the tradition, this custom has been preserved out of respect for the decision of Charles the Fifth. A female has at all times been among the number of the Counselors, and it is often remarked that the more ingenious decisions are pronounced by the judge in petticoats. We are somewhat surprised as gallant critics at not finding the names of ladies in the list of honorary members of the National Institute.

In the beginning of the year 1841, a public discourse was pronounced before the association by Mr. Poinsett. He chose for his theme "the objects and importance of the National Institution for the promotion of science." Much credit is due to the speaker for his wellconceived arguments and happy illustrations. They could not fail to give impulse and energy to exertions yet in their infancy; to demonstrate the natural harmony between literature and the fine arts, and the tendency of them not only to improve and refine mankind, but espe

"There can

cially to flourish where free institutions prevail, and where liberty loves to dwell, and effectually to tranquilize any apprehensions that a doubtful power would be exercised by an establishment for the promotion of them at the seat of government of the United States. be no doubt," says he, towards the close of his discourse, "that a National Institution, such as we contemplate, having at its command an observatory, a museum, containing collections of all the productions of nature, a botanic and zoological garden, and the necessary apparatus for illustrating every branch of physical science, would attract together men of learning and students from every part of our country; would open new avenues of intelligence throughout the whole of its vast extent; and would contribute largely to disseminate among the people the truths of nature and the lights of science."

It is to be regretted that the retirement of Mr. Poinsett from public life should have dissolved his personal as well as official connection with the association. It was happily begun, and an equal degree of cordiality could scarcely be expected in his successors in office who did not like himself feel the pride and attachment of a founder.

At the head of the list of "Councilors" at the very outset of the establishment we find the name of Mr. Adams, the venerable Ex-President; and it is agreeable to perceive that with his untiring zeal for the public service, and his active engagement in the councils of the country, he continues by every practical exertion to manifest his love for science. Mr. Adams is still an efficient officer of the National Institute.

Among those who exhibited an useful interest in the scheme, was the late vencrable Peter S. Duponçeau, for many years President of the American Philosophical Society. With an unsurpassed zest for study, a ready pen, and a prompt spirit, Mr. Duponçeau possessed "extensive learning, and had pursued especially a course of philological inquiry, of great variety and extent. His residence being at Philadelphia, he could not immediately share in the personal deliberations of the founders; but his friendly advice was always communicated. He strongly recommended the occasional publication of a printed Bulletin, to be disseminated through all the learned world, well observing that "fame, next to the con