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gaoler who kept him in close confinement until he died in 1733. He was subsequently refuted at considerable length by Pearce, Chandler, and Thomas Sherlock, who, deriving the hint either from Bunyan or the earlier Richard Bernard (Isle of Man), anticipated Paley in appealing to a British jury. "Judge: What say you? Are the apostles guilty of giving false evidence in the case of the resurrection of Jesus, or are they not guilty? Foreman: Not guilty, my lud."

A more intellectual apologist was Daniel Waterland (1683— 1740), a Cambridge man of profound learning and acuteness, trained to clash with such minds as those of Bentley, Hoadley, and Archbishop Sherlock, his contemporaries, who defended the Triune God with vigour and trenchancy in his Vindication of Christ's Divinity (1719) and Doctrine of the Trinity Asserted (1734) against the common-sense and scripture theories of Dr. Samuel Clarke. A not less able and far more spiritual defender of the faith was William Law, the recluse of King's Cliffe, whose Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life (1726) was destined to prove one of the great quickeners of a generation not particularly responsive to holiness. Yet this little book proved an overmatch both for Johnson and Wesley, and seventy years later served as a model for the Practical View of Christianity by William Wilberforce. Law was not, of course, a party man, but he was a strong Churchman, and his answers to Tindal and his Remarks upon .. The Fable of the Bees show him a close reasoner if not a caustic controversialist. But the Vauban of Anglican defence in the eighteenth century, "The Bacon of Anglican Theology," was by general consent Joseph Butler (1692-1752). Son of a prosperous linen-draper and nonconformist of Wantage, Joseph deserted dissent for Oxford only to find that university frivolous. He did not intend to remain long upon the lower rungs of the ladder of promotion, and the mighty sermons he preached soon spelt unmistakably "preferment." Rich livings in some abundance relieved him from sordid cares while he elaborated his "immortal" work The Analogy of Religion, Natural and Revealed, which appeared in 1736 and secured the author a position of confidence about Queen Caroline. One of the last requests of this broad-minded princess to her much distraught husband was to "promote Butler." In 1738 he accepted under spirited protest the lean see of Bristol; subsequently he was offered Canterbury, but preferred the "deeper manger" of Durham

with all its principalities intact. This was just two years before his death on June 16th, 1752. A bulwark of common sense and a dripstone of disapproval against every species of enthusiasm in religion, Butler represents Protestantism at one of its most logical and arid altitudes. Assuming a belief in a beneficent deity, and an acceptance of natural religion on the part of his readers, he demonstrates to the fashionable deistic philosopher of the day that if revealed religion perished, natural religion might well quake with fear. He addressed himself to the doubts of his own age. Barely a generation passed before we find people asking whether Butler did not raise more doubts than he stilled. This much we must admit of our redoubtable Ductor Dubitantium: he postulates from the first the existence of God and the known course of nature. These dates accepted, he goes on deducing and proving to his heart's content-collecting the title-deeds, but forgetting in the heat of pursuit and litigation to pay much attention to the cultivation of the Christian estate itself. His whole cast of mind is practical, logical, and moral, rather than speculative or spiritual. Butler's chiefest rival among the literary personalities of the Georgian Church is William Warburton (1698-1779), the contriver of a mammoth theological Dunciad in the footnotes of which small deists are impaled, as it were, upon skewers. A slovenly bishop (of Gloucester) who was always reading when he should have been ruling, Warburton's ill-digested learning and dogmatic arrogance, the deference he exacted even from the formidable Pope. and the abject subservience from the formal Hurd, combine to present to us a singular and almost grotesque personality. His book upon The Divine Legation of Moses (1740) is one of the strangest literary conglomerates upon record. It is clearly to the interest of the priestly caste, argues the Bishop, to invent a future world to redress the balance of the present. Moses abstained from any such invention. Therefore Moses was a true prophet. Q.E.D. As Sherlock and Butler had answered Tindal, Woolston, and Collins, so in a later generation Paley and Watson were to answer Voltaire, Hume, and Thomas Paine, Cast in the mould of divines such as Secker, Sherlock, Butler, and Principal Robertson, William Paley (1743-1805), the very incarnation of an ecclesiastical era, sets himself to answer the objectors to a divine faith by rule of three in arithmetic. Look, he says in the Hora Paulina, at the undersigned coincidences,

add them up and then take away the number of contradictions between Matthew, Mark, and Luke, and the balance in favour of Christianity will amount to just 4.7. Or, again (in his Evidences), what had the apostles to make out of representing Christ as a thaumaturgist? Would a sensible Englishman deliberately incur a cruel death for a vague, uncertain, hearsay belief? The thing is incredible. Such lucidity is admirable. As a counsel for the defence Paley is a very warm man indeed -a solid, ineradicable Yorkshireman and archdeacon.

Of all the absentee bishops of the period there is not one who steered clearer of his own diocese (Llandaff) or more persistently broke the tenth commandment by coveting the diocese of his neighbour than Bishop Watson (1737-1816), the last apologist of the old school, and from a literary point of view one of the very best. His Apology for Christianity was followed by that Apology for the Bible which elicited from George III. the notorious, "What, what! Apologise for the Bible. What!" But the good monarch was no Grecian, still less a philosopher, or he would have recognised that Watson's Apology was a perfect epitome of the entire churchmanship of the eighteenth century.

Among the most serviceable editions of Burke are the eightvolume editions of 1823, 1827, and 1852, the Bohn edition of 1853, and the two inexpensive editions commenced in the Standard Library and World's Classics. A good critical edition is a desideratum. The Clarendon Press has issued Selections,* and there are biographical sketches by Sir James Prior,* Chadwick, T. Macknight, G. Croly, A. A. Fry, Vaughan, M. Arnold, H. J. Nicoll, E. A. Pankhurst, Pillans, W. Willis, Prof. Graham, and John Morley.* The career of Cobbett, as reconstructed from the inflammatory pages of The Political Register, in which he preached the cause of reform, is to be studied in the Life of Edward Smith, and the Life as told in his Writings by E. Irving Carlyle (1904).

The conflict of abstract thought in the eighteenth century may be pursued through the pages of Buckle, Gibbon's Autobiography, Paine (ed. Moncure Conway), Bentham, Huxley's Hume, Lecky, Abbey and Overton's works on the Church in the eighteeenth century, Stephen's English Thought in the Eightenth Century,* and A. W. Benn's English Rationalism (1906).*

There are excellent Lives with studies of Adam Smith by

R. B. Haldane (1885), John Rae (1895), and Dr. Cunningham (1904). An attempt to exhibit the contribution he made to economics in due perspective is made by Arnold Toynbee in his Industrial Revolution. According to Toynbee the development of Economic Science in England has four chief landmarks. The first is the publication in 1776 of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, in which he investigates the causes of wealth and aims at the substitution of industrial freedom for a system of restriction. The production of wealth concerned him to the exclusion of the immediate welfare of man. This was spoken on the very eve of the great Industrial Revolution. A second stage is marked by the Essay on Population (1798), of Thomas Robert Malthus (1766-1834), which may be considered the product of that revolution already in full swing. Adam Smith had concentrated all his attention on a large production. Malthus directed his inquiries not to the causes of wealth, but to the causes of poverty, and found them in his theory of population-namely, that by an inexorable law of nature population tends ever to outstrip the means of subsistence. A third stage is indicated by the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817), in which David Ricardo (1772-1823) seeks to ascertain the laws of the distribution of wealth. Adam Smith had shown how wealth could be produced under a system of industrial freedom; Ricardo showed how wealth is distributed under such a system, a problem which could not have occurred to any one before his time. The fourth stage is marked by John Stuart Mill's Principles of Political Economy (1848), in which, after pointing out the distinction between the laws of production and those of distribution, the writer goes on to try and solve the problem how wealth ought to be distributed. Since Mill's day a fifth stage has been reached in which, under the auspices of Toynbee, Marshall, Ashley, Webb, and Cunningham, the tendency has been more and more to study economics from the historical point of view.

CHAPTER XI

MINOR NOVELISTS, MAINLY ROMANTIC: FROM
"OTRANTO" TO "HAJJI BABA"

"Mrs. Radcliffe makes her readers twice children; and from the dim and shadowy veil which she draws over the objects of her fancy, forces us to believe all that is strange and next to impossible, of their mysterious agency."-HAZLITT, English Comic Writers.

Horace Walpole's Castle of Otranto-The Mysteries of Ann Radcliffe " Monk" Lewis" Melmoth" Maturin-Vathek and its author-" Anastasius " Hope-J. J. Morier-“ Zeluco" Moore William Godwin-Frankenstein.

IN 1763, Horace Walpole, whose waking thoughts were mainly occupied with the Castle at Strawberry and villa Gothic generally (he was then forty-six) had a bad Gothic dream. From this inspiration, in the course of two months' writing between "tea-time" and six o'clock, he spun the preposterous mediæval nightmare to which he gave the name of The Castle of Otranto. Now the universal verdict would be Selwyn's opinion, that Otranto is too childish to make even a schoolgirl yawn, and the machinery of the colossal casque, and the armour that drops blood, and the sentimental tale intertwined with it all, simply bore the present-day reader to extinction. Yet The Castle of Otranto undoubtedly set a fashion for mediæval legend, diablerie, mystery, horror, and Gothic decoration in fiction which led directly by the route of Ann Radcliffe to the Waverley Novels, and even to Victor Hugo.

The Tales of Mystery and of Terror that came over

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