Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying the debte for the purchas. I know some will not abate the interest, and therfore let it rune its course; they are to be paied yearly, and so I hope they shall, according to agreemente. The Lord grante that our loves and affections may still be united, and knit togeither; and so we rest your ever loving friends,

Bristoll, March 19. 1629 [-30].1

JAMES SHERLEY.
TIMOTHY HATHERLEY.

This mater of the buying the debts of the purchass was parte of Mr. Allertons instructions, and in many of them it might have been done to good profite for ready pay (as some were); but Mr. Sherley had no mind to it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not a litle trouble them; for though he had wite and abillitie enough to menage the bussines, yet some of them knew him to be a very profane yonge man; and he had for some time lived amonge the Indeans as a savage, and wente naked amongst them, and used their maners (in which time he got their language), so they feared he might still rune into evill courses (though he promised better), and God would not prosper his ways. As soone as he was landed at the place intended, caled Penobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place, he write (and afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with Wampampeake, corne AGAINST WINTER, and other things. They considered these were of their cheefe commodities, and would be continually needed by him, and it would much prejudice their wished it would have sorted his other affairs, to have been one of us, but he could not spare money, and we thought it not reasonable to take in any partner, unless he were willing and able to spare money, and to lay down his portion of the stock; however, account of him as a sure friend, both ready and willing to do you all the offices of a firm friend." Letter Book. Mr. Fogg may have been Ralph Fogg, who came to New Plymouth in 1633, but removed to Salem in 1634, where he held office, and later returned to England.

1 I conclude, according to the old English account, March 19, 1629-30. So that Ashley came to Penobscot in the spring, and to Plymouth in the fall, of 1630; and the four following paragraphs belong to 1630.- PRINCE in Bradford мs.

owne trade at Kenebeck if they did not joyne with him in the ordering of things, if thus they should supply him; and on the other hand, if they refused to joyne with him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they should greatly offend their above named friends, and might hapily lose them hereby; and he and Mr. Allerton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies of these things els wher; besides, they considered that if they joyned not in the bussines, they knew Mr. Allerton would be with them in it, and so would swime, as it were, betweene both, to the prejudice of boath, but of them selves espetially. For they had reason to thinke this bussines was cheefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte for his turne and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to joyne in the bussines, and gave him supplies in what they could, and overlooked his procceedings as well as they could; the which they did the better, by joyning an honest yonge man,1 that came from Leyden, with him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as a servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and one whom they could trust, they so instructed as keept Ashley in some good mesure within bounds. And so they returned their answer to their freinds in England, that they accepted of their motion, and joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and yet withall tould them what their fears were concerning him.

1 Thomas Willett. BRADFORD. Thomas Willett (1605-1674) was one of the few agents concerned in the fur trade who retained a reputation for honesty in the service of his employers. He was born in August, 1605, the fourth son of Rev. Andrew Willet (1562-1621), rector of Barley, Co. Leicester. He is believed to have joined the Leyden people in Holland and to have come with the party of 1629 to Plymouth. Because of his discretion and character he received the responsibility of an association with Ashley at Kennebec, and remained in charge after Ashley had shown his true disposition. Successful as a trader with the Indians, he extended his own operations, becoming a ship-owner, a trader with the Dutch, and an assistant of the plantation for some years. In 1650 he acted as an arbitrator on behalf of the Dutch in their disputes with the planters of Connecticut, and four years later (in 1654) with Standish was named to lead the New Plymouth forces against the Dutch. In 1664 he accompanied Nicolls to New Amsterdam, and on the surrender of the city became its first Mayor, to the content of English and Dutch alike. Returning to Massachusetts soon after 1667 he settled in Swansea. Magazine of Am. History, XVII. 233.

1

But when they came to have full notice of all the goods brought them that year, they saw they fell very short of trading goods, and Ashley farr better suppleyed then [171] them selves; so as they were forced to buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, and cottens and carseys 1 and other shuch like cloath (for want of trading cloath) of Mr. Allerton him selfe, and so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente home, to help to discharge their great ingagementes; which was to their great vexation; but Mr. Allerton prayed them to be contente, and the nexte yere they might have what they would write for. And their ingagmentes of this year were great indeed when they came to know them, (which was not wholy till ·2· years after); and that which made them the more, Mr. Allerton had taken up some large summes at Bristoll at 5oli. per cent. againe, which he excused, that he was forcte too it, because other wise he could at the spring of year get no goods transported, shuch were their envie against their trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse, some of them doubted; but however, the burden did lye on their backs, and they must bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in the end.2

1 "In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries kerseys are commonly contrasted with cloths or broad-cloths; the size of the latter was fixed by the statute of 1465 as twenty-four yards long by two wide, while a kersey was only eighteen yards long and a yard and a nail in width. The act of 1552 enumerates various kinds of kerseys, as ordinary, sorting, Devonshire (called dozens), and check kerseys, and fixes their length as between seventeen and eighteen yards; in 1557 this was reduced to between sixteen and seventeen. About 1618 we find three kersies reckoned as equal to one cloth." New English Dictionary. The origin of the word is not known, but it may be derived from the village of Kersey in Suffolk.

2 Special reasons existed in England at this juncture for making it difficult to obtain money at reasonable rates for doubtful adventures. The crop of wheat in 1629 promised so poorly that the export was prohibited by proclamation (May 2, 1629), till the price should fall under the statute rate. Beggars and vagabonds proved troublesome, and even the English soldiers discharged from the Dutch service were directed to return at once to their homes and not linger in London. In April, 1630, the approach of pestilence led to further stringent "quickning the Lawes