tion, and of the other which regards the dona as gifts to the Trojans, was traced. The position of the writer was based mainly on a review of ancient allusions to the episode, from Homer to Petronius, as showing the predominance in the minds of all of the idea of worship. Against a background of statistics representing that in Vergil and other authors dona much oftener means offerings than presents, and statements of Aelius Donatus and Isidore that the former is the technical meaning of the word, the more significant fact of the predominance of the worship idea in dona ferre in Vergil and elsewhere was statistically presented as accessory evidence.

9. A Chapter in the History of Pity; Pity in the Iliad, by Grace Harriet Macurdy, Vassar College.

The views of critics who regard the Iliad as a whole or in parts as a pitiless poem. Discussion of Il. vi, 37 ff., especially of aïoua Homer's detailed description of wounds and

πареιπάν in VI, 62. interest in anatomy. His description of the death of young warriors, e.g. Il. VIII, 306 ff. and xiv, 486 ff. The latter discussed as an example of tribal pity and cruelty. Comparison of Il. vi, 62 with Psalm 137 and Hosea 13.

The distribution of the words for pity in the Iliad and Odyssey. The use of the formula of pity on the battlefield. The attribution of pity to Zeus and other deities. The cruelty of Hera and of Athena. Aldus, eλeos, and olкTOS. The cynical cruelty of the tenth book of the Iliad. The characters of Odysseus and of Achilles contrasted in the point of pity and cruelty. Pity for animals. The vocabulary of pity in the twenty-fourth book of the Iliad and the culminating beauty of this book in its chivalric expression of ἔλεος and αἰδώς.

A general discussion of tribal and universal pity in the Iliad. Homer's pity for the youths who fall on the Trojan side. Pity in the Iliad compared with pity in the Odyssey.

10. A Political Cartoon of the Sixth Century B.C., by Henry Roy William Smith, Princeton University.

This paper discussed a scene on an archaic red-figured kylix belonging to Mrs. Josephine P. Morgan of Princeton. It represents two mounted youths victoriously attacking a group of warriors with strange shield devices (silen's head, pair of greaves, pair of shoes). It was suggested that the painting is a sneer at the restored Alkmaionidai, since:

1. The vase was painted by Epiktetos, an adherent of the Peisistratidai.

2. By Langlotz's system of chronology, its date is shortly after 510 B.C.

3. Two of the shield devices (shoes and greaves) may be travesties of the triskeles, proved by Seltman to have been a badge of the Alkmaionidai.

4. The third device of the losing side (a silen) seems to have been the crest of the cadet branch of the Alkmaionidai (the family of Hippokrates the brother of Kleisthenes). For:

(a) The Megakles pinax and the vases of Euthymides (who uses "Megakles" as a kaλós-name) indicate that it was borne by Hippokrates' son.

(b) That it was the badge of Hippokrates himself seems likely from its sympathetic use by the vase painter Oltos, who is connected intimately with an artist (the Menon Painter) who inscribes 'ITTоKράTES Kαλós. Moreover, Oltos uses the triskeles sympathetically, as well as the silen's head; while Epiktetos uses both unsympathetically (Reggio and Palermo fragments).

The painting may have reference to the defeat of Anchimolos in his attempt to restore the Alkmaionidai. He was routed by Thessalian cavalry.

11. Roman Rhetoric as Training for the Bar, by D. P. Lockwood, Haverford College.

Nothing is easier than to satirize the rhetoric of the Empire, but he who interprets Roman life and thought as a whole should give an undistorted picture of Roman rhetorical education, its aims and achievements. There is practical as well as cultural value in the forensic education outlined by Quintilian.

There are plenty of moot cases (reported by Seneca, Quintilian, and Suetonius) which deserve the satiric remarks of Petronius, Tacitus, and Juvenal, but there are others which are plausible and well balanced. There are moot cases even in the Roman law, and to the layman some seem plausible, some far fetched. A comparative study of the rhetoricians and the Digest leads to the impression that there was more of harmonious interrelation between Roman rhetoric and Roman law than would appear from the traditional condemnation of the former and eulogy of the latter.

12. The Humanity of the Romans, by Helen H. Tanzer, Hunter College.

It is a common assumption that the Romans were unfeeling creatures without the natural affection which people have nowa

days for their families and friends. Statements of this kind are to be found in all the handbooks on the private life of the Romans, all carefully attested by quotations from the Romans themselves. It is easy enough, however, to find passages which prove that they were kindly and friendly and altogether human to children. and slaves and friends, and that they had the same reactions toward the members of their families as we have now,- -Roman literature abounds in them. My examples are taken mostly from the Letters of Pliny the Younger.

Pliny's attitude toward slaves (VIII, 16) is not an exception but natural to the Romans. IX, 21, 3 and 24 concern a slave who has offended his master but is forgiven at the intercession of Pliny.

Maxima debetur puero reverentia (10, 47) is Juvenal's well-known contribution to the subject of children. Pliny (11, 16, 3) gives a charming and convincing picture. Also v, 16, 8; and 1, 12, 9.

The human touch of VIII, 5 is undeniable. What could give a happier picture of the relation between husband and wife than Pliny's letters to his wife, vi, 4; 7; vII, 5 and the one to her aunt and guardian (IV, 19) in which Pliny gives a good account of himself and of Calpurnia? And finally that most poignant poem in all literature, Cornelia's plea to Paullus, Propertius, IV, 11.

One might as well take the newspapers of today, news and comment, as proving not that vice exists, but that virtue does not, as to be equally misled by the jibes and criticisms of ancient authors, especially of the satirists.

13. A New Manuscript of Virgilius Maro Grammaticus, by John Joseph Savage, Brown University.

Under the caption "Epistula Virgilii Maronis de Cognitionibus Nominum et Verborum" an extract from this grammarian is found in Paris. lat. 7930, an eleventh century manuscript containing the works of Virgil with numerous scholia (discussed in T. A. P. A. LVI (1925), 229–241) and miscellaneous matter. Using Huemer's edition (Virgilii Maronis grammatica opera (Leipzig), pp. 82 f.) as a basis of comparison, I have attempted to show that Paris. lat. 7930 furnishes a more complete text of this chapter of Virgilius Maro Grammaticus in two places. One of these is on p. 82, 21 f. where the section festinati . . . superadditurus is more complete in the extract in the Paris manuscript; the other, p. 87, 16-22, shows a long addition in our codex after natatu. This deals with the occurrence of the three vowels a, e, i, in the different parts of speech. The text of Virgilius in our manuscript is substantially that of

codex 426 of the Amiens library. See Stangl, Virgiliana (Munich, 1891), pp. 60-66.

The last scholar to describe this manuscript in detail, Professor Gino Funaioli (Rhein. Mus. LXX, 80 f.), contents himself with merely giving the heading in the manuscript, with folio No. 208. Inasmuch as I have shown (Harv. Stud. xxxvi (1925), 100, n. 3) that f. 10 is marked in this codex f. 20 we should deduct ten from the pagination in this manuscript after that point. In the description of this codex which I have given in this article just mentioned, this revised pagination is followed. One correction, however, is necessary: the inscription to Gerbert (p. 101) is found on f. 194 and on f. 199 and not on f. 200 as stated there. The excerpt in our manuscript is substantially that given by T. Stangl, Virgiliana (Munich, 1891), pp. 60-66, from an eleventh century codex in the library of Amiens, 426.

14. The Manuscripts of the Florilegium of the Letters of Symmachus, by James Eugene Dunlap, University of Michigan.

Among the contents of a fourteenth century manuscript in the University of Michigan Library is an incomplete copy of the Florilegium of the Letters of Symmachus. A preliminary comparison of this manuscript with other Florilegium manuscripts and the critical apparatus of Seeck's edition reveals the following facts: First: Despite Seeck's contemptuous description of the Florilegium manuscripts as "of no value" when the evidence of P and V is available, he has accepted a comparatively large number of their readings against the evidence of P and V. Moreover, there are 66 letters preserved only in the Florilegium manuscripts, and 139 others for which the readings of these manuscripts offer almost the only means of checking a text based upon a single manuscript of the other class.

Second: The tradition of the Florilegium manuscripts is not a simple one, but complex, and at least two sharply defined groups of manuscripts appear, viz.: F F2 and F3C Mich.

Third: While Mich. clearly belongs to the latter group, the arrangement of its letters differs in striking particulars from the usual order. Its readings frequently vary from those of F3 and C, and many times agree with P and V. This agreement with the better tradition appears to be due not to late correction, but to the preservation of good readings from early times.

In view of the possibility that Mich. retains the correct reading in other passages, where the supposedly better manuscripts have become corrupt, it assumes special importance.

In conclusion, the Florilegium manuscripts are clearly of sufficient importance to demand further consideration, both of their relationships and of their value. The results of this new appraisal, and the additional evidence which the Michigan manuscript is yielding, may indicate the necessity of a revision of the text of the Letters of Symmachus.

15. The Correspondence of Saint John Chrysostom, by Paul Robinson Coleman-Norton, Princeton University.

The paper is in two parts: the first consists of a statistical study of the Letters of Saint John Chrysostom; the second treats of the two Letters of Saint John Chrysostom to Pope Innocent I, in which there appears a discrepancy from the account given by Palladius, the biographer of Saint Chrysostom, of the scenes in Constantinople on Easter Eve, 404.

The two versions are put à côté and it is shown how they can be reconciled.

16. A Study of Terence's Prologues, by Roy Caston Flickinger, State University of Iowa.

A reexamination of Terence's prologues from the psychological standpoint in the light of our present exegetical and historical knowledge. Contrary to the current trend of opinion among scholars the Andria prologue was probably written for the first performance of this play in 166 B.C. The chance to present the Andria was probably due, as Santra suggested, to C. Sulpicius Gallus, consul for that year and himself a homo doctus. Terence's success with that play was sufficient to secure the acceptance of the ill-fated Hecyra for the following year. The famous friendship with Laelius and Scipio did not develop until towards the close of the next biennium, and explains the extraordinary boldness which characterizes the Heauton prologue (163 B.C.). The phrases of this prologue can only be understood with reference to the playwright's psychological condition and the state of his affairs. Regardless of his defiant attitude in this respect, Terence was careful to write a play which gave his rivals least occasion for criticism. In particular he avoided contaminatio, and translated more literally than in other instances. From this situation came developments the full significance of which has not always been recognized and which will soon be discussed in another paper entitled "Terence's Heauton and Act Divisions among the Ancients." In the Eunuchus prologue Phillimore's punctuation and emendation are accepted for