none. lieutenants to the magistrates would effectually prevent all rebellion in Ireland. There had been menaces of rebellion, but there would be The catholics who had been guilty of disturbances, had neither leaders, arms, nor property: ke knew them well, he had been born in Ireland, lived all his life in Ireland, and been in every part of it. If a French army were landed in Ireland, he believed they would join it, to a man: there had now been an impudent convention-demand, nay, a direct menace, in case their petition was not complied with. This he considered to be the consequence of the concessions intended to be made to them, by a noble lord, not in that house, whose administration, he always thought, meant to subvert the Protestant religion. Here the opposition side of the house was all in a ferment; and Dr.Duigenan was loudly called on to name the noble lord alluded to, by lord Howick, Mr. Plumer, Mr. Horner, Mr. Sheridan, and Mr. Thomas Grenville; but Mr. Canning observed, that whatever imprudence there aight be in the learned doctor's expression, it was not so disorderly as to authorize the call which had been made for the name of the noble lord alluded to *. The speaker too said, that according to the order of the house, the doctor was not bound to name the person alluded to, nor even to make any other excuse that he might think proper. Dr. D. admitted that he had spoken with too much warmth; but though the A motion to the same effect wi Mr. Brand's, but somewhat en arge was made in the house of lords, by marquis of Stafford, April 13. was an excellent maxim of the co stitution, the marquis observe which, by pronouncing that t king could do no wrong, rescu him from all responsibility for pu lic measures. On that maxim would rest, at least in part, the m tion he should have the honour making. With the utmost respe for his majesty, being anxious f the safety of the country, he w solicitous to see a more able and com prehensive administration. Van ous causes had been assigned for t sudden change that had happen in the ministry; but not one of the in his mind, sufficient to justi those who had advised the remov of so much integrity and such gre talents, from their offices. He ther fore submitted to their lordshi the following motion: "That th house, feeling the necessity of a fir *The taste of the noble and affluent family of the Grenvilles, for offices and t cmoluments of office, exposed them, pretty frequently to sarcasms in the house commons, and sometimes in that of the lords. Mr. Fuller, in the course of the pr sent debate, said, that the family of the Grenvilles had been always full of theor and that none had been better paid for their theories, though always mischieve By one of their theories we had lost America. ал and stable government, in that most important crisis of public affairs, was impressed with the deepest re gret at the change which had lately taken place in his majesty's councils; and that this regret was lately increased by the causes to which the changes had been ascribed; it being the opinion of that house, that it was contrary to the first duties of the responsible ministers of the king, to restrain themselves by any pledge, expressed or implied, from submitting to his majesty, faithfully and truely, any advice, which in their judgment, the course of circumstan. ces might render necessary for the honour of his majesty's crown, and the welfare of his majesty's domi. nions. The principal arguments pro and con, in the debate that ensued, were of course the same with those urged in that on Mr. Brand's motion in the house of com. mons. The motion was supported by the earl of Hardwick, lord Erskine, the earl of Jersey, lord Kinnaird, the earl of Lauderdale, lord Holland, lord Grenville, the earl of Darnley, the earl of Moira, and the duke of Norfolk. It was opposed by the earl of Aberdeen, lord Harrowby, the earl of Selkirk, lord Borringdon, lord Sidmouth, lord Mulgrave, the earl of Limerick, the earl of Westmoreland, lord Hawkesbury, and the lord chancel. lor, (lord Eldon.) Lord Erskine in the course of a long and eloquent speech, gave an historical account of the circumstances that led to the demand and the refusal of pledges, and took occasion to explain his own sentiments with regard to catholic emancipation, as it was called, and on the subject of religion in general. He said a great deal of his own edu cation, and general maxims and views, VOL. XLIX. and was at great pains to impress the house with a belief, that he did really entertain the profoundest reverence for God and religion, and for all professors of the Christian protestant faith. No man whatever, said his lordship, can be more religious than I am. I am sure that I need not except, even the worthy and pious prelates in whose presence I make this solemn and public declaration. I glory in the opportunity of making it. Would to God that my life could be as pure as my faith! He looked forward to the time when all the na tions of the earth should be collec ted under the benign shade of the Gospel. It was this anticipation that had restrained him from going the full length of catholic expecta tion. The Roman-catholic faith, he considered as a gross superstition, the result of the darkness of former ages, but now falling into a visible and wholesome decline. He had never, therefore, thought to encourage the re-establishment of it, but rather wished that inconveniences should be felt, though no injustice suffered by its professors. Lord E. by another distinction, justified the late ministry in abandoning a measure, though introduced on a principle of both expediency and duty, yet keeping their places. There was a plain difference, he said, between the strongest expediency, and imperious necessity. On the first branch of the motion, having been himself an humble mem. ber of the opinion it supported, he would be silent. He not only, how. ever, subscribed to the second, but returned his thanks to the noble marquis for having introduced it to the house. Lord Harrowby, in the course of a long and animated M speech, speech, said, that a mutual confi. dence between the sovereign and his servants, appeared so indispensable to the good conduct of the public business; that when once there was so de confidence on either side, that the ministers were reduced to demand a pledge from the king, er the king from his ministers, there was little other option than either for him to dismiss them, or for them to resign. Lord Boringdon considering that the motion included an inculpation of the king for the exercise of an undoubted perogative, could by no means assent to it, and therefore concluded a speech against it, by moving, that the house do now adjourn. Lord Sidmouth said, that neither the dispatch of the 9th February to the lord lieutenant, nor the reasoning on which it was recommended, was calculated to convey to his majesty's mind, a knowledge of its extensive import: nay, and that the wonder would have been, if it had been understood by his majesty, in any other than in a limited sense. The earl of Lauder. dale,from a retrospective view of the parliamentary conduct of the leading members of the present cabinet, concluded, that either there was no principle of cement or union among them, or that they had agreed to give up every doctrine and opinion to which they were most sacredly pledged. The present ministers, he said, had come into office in di rect violation of the principles of the constitution; and unless the house marked that act with its disap. probation, the constitution would be lost. Lord Holland observed that sir William Temple had told the king, that he doubted whether it were not a contradiction to suppose that he could make counsellors that were not to counsel. Lord Mulgrave said, that if William III. or George I. had said to any of the ministers employed by them," I have no objections to your principles in general, except that I think you are at tached to the house of Stuart; and therefore unless you give me a pledge in writing, I will not employ you as my ministers,' he appre hended there would have been no im. propriety in ministers signing sucha pledge. The earl of Limerick reprobated the practice of governing Ireland by a faction, and recom. mended not to discourage loyalty or to practise on the people for party purposes. The question being uni. versally called for, at seven o'clock in the morning, the house divided on the motion of lord Boringdon, that the house do now adjourn. Contents Not contents 171 90 Majority 81 The same subject, or rather subjects, the circumstances that led to the removal of the late ministers from their places, and the conse. quences that might be apprehended to follow, the responsiblity of the advisers of the crown, and the ca. tholic claims, the ground-work, as it were, of the whole, were again introduced into the house of com. mons, April 15. The first branch of the marquis of Stafford's motion in the house lof peers, it will be re. collected, was not included in Mr. Brand's, in the house of commous. The honourable W. H. Lyttleton, after stating the reasons why he thought it necessary that the house should express its approbation of the conduct of the late ministers, moved the resolution, "That that house considering a firm and effi cient administration as indispensa- tended for the support of a system of national education, to have been perverted for purposes of personal aggrandizement, and for the furtherance of the most criminal views. The evils of the misapplication were la mentably felt in the decline and degradation of those establishments for the uses of which those funds were originally appropriated. Funds so appropriated, were absorbed in private expenditure, calculated on as parts of the family estate, and bequeathed to the descendants as parts of the patrimonial inheri tance.*-Of these charges lord Cas tlereagh did not take any notice.— The master of the rolls observed that many ministers had been dismissed from office, without any cause assigned, but that never until now had a minister come to parliament to complain of his sovereign. Lord Somers was removed without the shadow of a complaint; did he demand an investigation of the cause? When the celebrated Whig administration was removed by queen Anne, did they breathe a whisper against their royal mistress in either house of parliament? In 1757, the dismissal of Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Legge, produced a great ferment. But was any thing said about that dismissal in parliament? If a minister were to secure to himself the right of enquiry into the cause of his removal, he would approximate his situation to that of a judge, or any other officer for life. Of a change in administration, bly necessary, in the present important crisis of public affairs, had seen with the deepest regret, the late change in his majesty's councils." This motion was seconded by Mr. Hibbert, and farther supported by the honourable John W. Ward, Mr. Macdonald, Mr. Tighe, Mr. Roscoe, Sir J.Newport, Mr. Tierney, lord Howick, earl Percy, and Mr. Windham. It was opposed by Mr. Milnes, who concluded his speech by moving the order of the day, Mr. H. Browne, Mr. Robinson, Mr. Gore, Mr. Bankes, lord Castlereagh, Mr. Bathurst, the chanceller of the exchequer, and the master of the rolls. Among the most impressive speeches in support of the motion was that of sir John Newport, among the most conviucing on the other side, was that of the master of the rolls. Sir John Newport, among a variety of remarks, observed, that when the late administration directed their attention to an amelioration of the system of education in Ireland, the first act of necessity was, to enquire into the state of those funds, which were grossly misapplied. This charge of gross misapplication he stated, not either without sufficient grounds of justification, or with any inclination to avoid the responsibility of his statement. He spoke it in the face of the noble lord opposite (Castlereagh). He charged him with having known and suffered those funds which were in These animadversions are also, with singular propriety, applicable to the existing abuses in the autient and most nobly endowed university of St. Andrew's; the present chancellor of which is lord Melville. Into those abuses it was understoud, the late administration intended, had it been continued, to institute an enquiry. They were not more indifferent to office and emolument than other inen. But it was certainly a fortunate circumstance for the public, that they rested, in part, their claim to acceptation and popularity, on the correction of public abuses. parliament M 2 parliament had no constitutional A gainst it, 198 Majority in favour of ministers, 46 1 mittee be appointed to take in consideration the several acts parliament relating to the buildin re-building, and keeping in repa churches and glebe houses in In land, and to the purchase of gle houses and lands there, and req ring certain returns to be made co cerning the sufficiency, state, a condition, of such churches, for t regular performance of divine se vice therein; together with several reports and papers, relati thereto, and to the unions of p rishes, that were laid before t house in the years 1803 and 18 respectively; and that they do co In the mean time the Scotch ju- sider the said acts and papers, a dicature bill was not neglected, but examine how far the said acts, after it had undergone several alter. any of them, have been found in ations, while others were in con- dequate, and in what respect, í templation, it fell to the ground, for the purposes thereby intended; a the present session, through the do report the same, together wi sudden prorogation of parliament. their observations and opinio As something was thought wanting thereupon, to the house." for the promotion of general edu- some conversation respecting t cation in England, and to the due population of Ireland, the necessi administration of justice in Scot- of consolidating livings in some i land, so something was found want- stances, but the enormous exte ing in Ireland, to the support of re- to which a consolidation of parish ligion. A motion was made on this and livings had been carried subject, in the house of commons, others, Mr. Wickham's motion w April 20th, by Mr. Wickham, who agreed to, and a select committee a asserted that the population of Ire. pointed accordingly. Lord Hawke land was half that of South-Britain; bury, April 16th, having describ that the number of parishes in South- the circumstances of the capture Britain exceeded 10,000, while in Monte Video, moved the thanks Ireland, the number of parishes the house of peers to brigadie which had been originally only general sir Samuel Auchmuty, f 2,436, by subsequent consolida that glorious achievement; an tions, was, in 1791, reduced to lord Mulgrave, after a warm pan 1,120. This reduction was highly gyric, thanks in like manner to rea injurious to the protestant religion admiral Stirling, and the officers a and interest. In the late troubles men under his command.-The in Ireland, rebellion raged most motions were carried nem. diss.violently in those districts in which On the same day lord Castlereag the reduction had been the greatest. after a suitable introduction, move He then moved, "that a select com.that the thanks of the house 3 Aft commo |