Old Man. "The one which they shall receive | Philosophy cannot prevent a man from being a from Science,' if they can reach her in safety.” 'Drunkard,' and a 'Debauchee,' or keep him from avarice, injustice, treachery, or any act of a disordered mind." Stranger. "What is it?" Stranger. cases." 66 ""Tis true, we see many such Old Man. "The true knowledge of every thing fit and proper, which is a safe, sure, and unchangeable gift. To this, he tells them to fly quickly. And when they come to those women, What superior advantages therewho I told you before were called Intemper-fore has education been to them, in the way of ance' and 'Voluptuousness,' he bids them hurry making them better men?" Old Man. 66 True Science ?" past them, and place no confidence in them, but 35. Stranger. "Evidently none, on your to proceed until they come to False Science,' premises. But why do they spend any time in and to tarry awhile with her, and get from her the second circle, just as they are drawing near what they may want to assist them on their jour- to ney, and then to go on by the shortest route to Old Man. "And what good does their delay 'True Science.' Such are the directions which do them? when we can frequently see people the 'Guardian Genius' gives. And whatever un- who pass these learned men and proceed at once fortunate creature transgresses or disobeys them, from 'Intemperance' and the other vice we menperishes miserably. (33.) Such is the interpre- tioned, in the first circle to the third circle to tation of the myth contained in this painting. If True Science.' Have they, then, any superior you wish to enquire more particularly about any advantages? Nay, they become either more obportion of it, do not hesitate to do so, for I will stinate or more unteachable." gladly explain it to you." Stranger. "You are very kind. Pray, what does the Genius' tell to them get from 'False Science ?" Old Man. ful." Old Man. "The Rudiments of learning, and as much of other branches of knowledge as may serve to use the language of Plato-as a bridle for youth, to keep them from being drawn off to other matters." Stranger. "Pray, How ?” Old Man. "Because if nothing else, these second circle men pretend to know that of which they are profoundly ignorant. Now as long as "Any thing that may be useful." this is the case, they must necessarily be incapa"What has she that would be use-ble of being roused to the pursuit of True Science. Then, there is another thing, do you not see that the 'Opinions' of the first circle accompany them as well as the others? Thus they are in no respect better than they, unless Repentance' should come to them and convince them that they are not with True,' but 'False Science,' by whom they have been deceived; and that living in this manner, they never can be safe. And it behooves you, strangers, to dwell upon and practice what you have been told until these lessons become familiar and habitual to you; to this end you must frequently and unceasingly think upon them, considering all else as of secondary importance: but if you do not act thus, all you have now heard will be utterly worthless." Stranger. "Is it necessary for all who would reach 'True Science' to acquire these?" Old Man. "Not absolutely necessary, by any means, but highly advantageous. For these things do not contribute anything to their becoming better men." Stranger. "Do you say they contribute nothing towards making them better men?" Old Man. "Not a whit. They can become better without them; still they are not useless. Thus, for example, although we can, by means of an interpreter, understand any thing that is said, yet it would he better, if when a conference should take place we ourselves had a tolerably accurate knowledge of the language used. So there is nothing to prevent a man from becoming better without the aid of these branches of learning." 34. Stranger. "Do those learned men, therefore, possess no advantage over others in the way of moral improvement?" Old Man. "How can they, when it is evident that they are as much deceived as others about 'Good' and 'Evil,' and are still the slaves of all manner of vice? Indeed the knowledge of language, and the mastery of all Science and VOL. XV-69 36. Stranger. "We will do so. But explain to us how it is that the things which men receive from Fortune are not blessings; such for instance as life, health, riches, fame, children, success, and the like? or on the contrary, how their opposites are not evils? For your language does appear to us to be paradoxical and improbable." Old Man. "Well then, will you try to give me your opinion on the questions which I am about to ask?" Stranger. "Certainly I will." Old Man. "If a man is leading a life of wretchedness and misery, is existence a blessing to him?" Stranger. "I think not, but rather a curse.” Old Man. "Is it not obvious that to live and be very true." to live miserably are not synonymous?" Stranger. "Yes, that is evident." Old Man. "A life of misery therefore is an evil, but life itself is not. Because if it were, then evil has befallen those who live well and happily, inasmuch as life, which according to your statement, is an evil, belongs to them." Stranger. "Your argument seems to be very good one." 40. Old Man. "In short, the honoring of these things as blessings, or the despising and degrading of them as evils, is the cause of trouble and injury to men; when they are honored, and thought to be happy solely on their account, they, as a matter of course, do anything, even the most unrighteous act, for the sake of obtaina ing them. All this results from their ignorance of what is good, for they do not know that good never proceeds from evil: but it is easy to see many men who have acquired their wealth by vicious and disgraceful acts, such as treachery, robbery, murder, slander, fraud, and other many and horrible deeds." 38. Old Man. "As therefore existence is the portion both of those who live well and of those who live badly, it cannot be said to be either a blessing or a curse; for as the application of the knife or the cautery to the diseased is neither healthy nor unhealthy, so is it regarding life." Stranger. "I grant that." Old Man. Then think; whether would you rather live wretchedly or die honorably and bravely?" Stranger. "Die honorably by all means." Old Man. Therefore neither is death an evil, since it is often preferred to life." Stranger. "I grant that." Old Man. "The same mode of reasoning holds good regarding sickness and health; for it is frequently better not to be well, but the opposite, according to circumstances." Stranger. "Your reasoning is good." 39. Old Man. Let us go on now and examine the subject of wealth. It is easy to see-for the instances are numerous-a man in the possession of riches, living in misery and affliction." Stranger. Yes, truly many a one." Old Man. "Then wealth contributes nothing to a good and happy life?" 46 Stranger. "So it appears; for these men are worthless." Old Man. "It is not money, therefore, that makes a man good, but Learning or Science." Stranger. "Yes, according to your reason 66 ing." Old Man. "Wherein does the good of wealth Old Man. "But neither wisdom nor justice can be obtained from wicked works; nor on the other hand, do folly and injustice spring from good works; nor can they subsist at the same time in the same individual. But as to wealth, and fame, and success, and the rest, there is nothing to prevent them from being joined in all kinds of vice in any one. So, therefore, these things are neither blessings nor evils; but wisdom is the only good, and folly the only evil.” Stranger. "That is sufficient. Your explanation has been full and satisfactory." EPIGRAM. What better reason can you guess THE INSTINCT OF IMMORTALITY. In the quickening dawn of youth, And murmured oft in tones of ruth- To perish like the things of earth, The patriot's deed our life blood starts, The poet's cherished name, Such yearning is to few unknown, It only soars to reason's height, When fixed beyond the tomb; There only is immortal fame, In blest communion found, L. ROME: PAPAL AND REPUBLICAN. The first inquiry that presents itself is this: What was the nature of the papal sway at Rome, and when and how did it originate? This question fortunately is easily answeredHistory-papal and protestant-pours a flood of light upon it; and Machiavelli, and Sismondi, Ranke, and Du Pin, are harmonious in the statement of the most important historical facts. It is conceded on all hands that originally the Bishop of Rome presided simply as a churchIman over his diocese. Catholics themselves admit that his temporal power was an acquisition of subsequent times. Machiavelli, in his Florentine Histories, gives the clearest and most authentic account of the temporal power of the Pope. "About the year 578," he says, "the Pontiffs of Rome began to assume a greater degree of authority than ever before. The first successors of St. Peter had been venerated for the sanctity of their lives and the miracles they wrought; and their examples gave such credit to the Christian religion, that many princes were forced to acknowledge it to put an end to the distractions that reigned throughout the world. The Emperor of Rome having embraced the Christian faith, and established his throne at Constantinople, the Roman empire hastened to its fall, while the Church of Rome rapidly extended her dominion. But as all Italy till the invasion of the Lombards was subject to the dominion either of the Emperors or Kings, the Pontiffs assumed no other authority, than reverence for their virtue and learnRepublicans, not less than monarchists, per- ing won for them. In civil affairs they were still ceive and recognize a distinction between Rev- subject to those princes, who made them their minolution and Rebellion; and Americans estimate isters, and sometimes put them to death for malas fully as Europeans can do, the blessings of administration. The resolution of Theoderic, social order, and are quite as conversant with king of the Goths, to remove the seat of his govthe real grounds of difference between the blind ernment to Ravenna, augmented their influence fury of a mob, and the righteous revolt of an op- in the affairs of Italy; for as Rome was thereby pressed people. In order therefore to determine left destitute of a prince, the Romans were obliwhat should be the conduct and sentiments of ged for their own safety to yield obedience to the Americans, with respect to the present conflict Pope.”—(1 vol. Florentine Histories, p. 32.) between Rome Papal, and Rome Republican, it must first be decided whether Pius IX. has been expelled from his seat of government by the machinations of treason, or by the impulses of pat riotism. But before this question can be determined, it is obviously necessary to know by what tenure the Pope held his temporal sceptre, from whom he derived his power, and to whom he was responsible for its exercise. Sismondi, in his History of the Italian Republics, p. 17, gives substantially the same account of the origin of the papal sway. "Rome," he says, "had never made part of the monarchy of the Lombards. This ancient capital of the world, with the territory appertaining to it, had since the conquest of Alboin, formed a Dukedom, governed by a Patrician or Greek Duke, sent from Constantinople. The Bishop of Rome however had much more authority over his flock In entering upon this inquiry, we shall avoid as than this foreign magistrate, and when in the much as possible all theological discussion, and year 717, an Iconoclast, or breaker of images, shall confine our remarks within what may be filled the throne of Constantinople, the popes called lay limits; believing as we do that all ap-under the pretence of Heresy rejected his authority peals to prejudices, whether personal or religious, altogether." tend to obscure truth and aid error. Such was the origin of the Pope's authority in the City of Rome: not derived from any le- | At page 42, in his Flo. Hist., he observes :gitimate source, but taking its rise in usurpation. "After the death of Urban, Pascal II. was Let us now trace it to its full extent, and show made Pontiff, and Henry IV. succeeded to the in what manner his other acquisitions of tempo- Empire. He went to Rome and feigning friendral power were obtained. ship for the Pope, sent him and all his clergy to The next temporality which fell into the hands prison; nor would he set him at liberty, till he of the Pope, was the Exarchate of Ravenna, had conceded to him the right of disposing of all and the territories appertaining to it. Machia- the churches of Germany as he pleased. About velli gives the following account of this transac- this time, the Countess Matilda died, and left all tion. her possessions to the church." "Gregory III. being advanced to the papacy. And this is the meagre account he has left us and Adolphus to the throne of the Lombards, of this most important affair. It is therefore nethe latter in violation of the clearest stipulations, cessary to resort elsewhere to ascertain what seized upon Ravenna, and made war upon the these territories were-who the Countess was— Pope. Gregory seeing the Emperor of Con- and what right she had to dispose of, by will, a stantinople so reduced, by the above-mentioned territory embracing seventeen thousand square miles losses. looked for no assistance from that quar-and two millions of inhabitants. ter; and resolving no longer to trust the Lombards, who had so often broken faith with him, he had recourse to Pepin II., king of France. Pepin readily promised him assistance, but expressed a desire of first seeing him to pay his duty to him in person. Gregory set out for France, and passed through the quarters of his enemies, the Lombards, without any molestation, such was the veneration men felt for religion in those times. Gregory arrived in France, was honored by that Prince, and sent back to Italy with his troops, who beseiged the Lombard at Pavia. Astolphus was obliged to accept the terms granted him by the French. But Pepin's army had no sooner returned to France than he refused to perform his engagement. The Pope made a second application to Pepin, who sent another army into Italy, overcame the Lombards, took Ravenna, and in opposition to the will of the Greek emperor, gave it to the Pope, with all the territories appertaining to the Exarchate, and the country of Urbino and Marca. No more exarchs were sent from Constantinople to Ravenna, which was afterwards governed by the will of the Pope."-(Flo. Hist., p. 34.) Thus, we perceive that the second territorial acquisition of His Holiness, like the first, was based upon usurpation-only with this difference, that this title was strengthened by two additional links-Conquest of the people themselves, and Donation from a barbarian king, who had no right to bestow. In Lardner's "Outlines of History," (page 236,) he informs us of what these states consisted. "The Countess Matilda, the great friend of Gregory VII., had left the reversion of her large possessions to the holy See. These were the imperial fiefs of Tuscany, Mantua, and Modena, of which she had certainly no right to dispose." The Countess was the wife of Godfrey and the daughter of Beatrice, who was the sister of the Emperor Henry II. She held what is now called the Patrimony of the Church of her uncle, Henry, as imperial fiefs, and yet at her death was induced by Hildebrand (Pope Gregory VII.,) the most ambitious, arbitrary and powerful of all the Roman Pontiffs, to bequeathe to the Church what never belonged to her; but which afforded a pretext for their usurpation. This was all he desired. How well he devised his schemes the history of papal rule for eight hundred and seventy-five years affords the best commentary. Since the time of Gregory VII., (1073,) the Papacy had made but one or two insignificant acquisitions of territory-if we except the exorbitant and ridiculous claim of Alexander VI., who, it will be remembered, portioned off the wide domain lying between the North and the South poles. and West of the Azores, between Spain and Portugal. As his Holiness, however, never took absolute possession, or received livery of seisin, of any of his Western dominions, it is hardly worth while to enumerate them as coming under his sceptre. Charlemagne, the son of Pepin-"the great- The Romagna, which towards the end of the est man that Barbarism ever produced," says fifteenth century was overrun by Cæsar Borgia, Sismondi,-confirmed these grants and added and erected into a principality, after his flight others to the dominion of the Pope; but by far and ruin, was seized upon by Pope Julius, who, the largest portion of the papal territory was it will be remembered, sword in hand, was the conferred upon the Church, by the last will and first to mount the breastworks of Mirandola. testament of the Countess Matilda. Machiavelli is very brief in his account of this affair. Being a staunch Catholic, he may have thought that the less he said about it the better. Paul III. seized on Perugia; and Citta di Castello was conquered by Julius III. in 1550. Clement VIII. usurped the Duchy of Ferrara in 1595. And the Duchy of Urbino was seized in the sev enteenth century—which was the last territorial | tor, consensu, urbis et orbis, of the modern Babyacquisition in the long series of papal usurpa-lon, and the Patrimony of the Church. tions. Thus we have before us, the whole Patrimony of St. Peter: not one foot of which the Pope can claim by any legitimate title. As a temporal prince, the Roman Pontiff has always been the most despotic in Europe; for as he held his whole domain by acts of usurpation, fraud, and bloodshed, his subjects have embraced every opportunity to revolt from his government, and he has been compelled to practice all the black arts of despotism to maintain his sway. A writer in the London Quarterly Review for January, 1848, speaking of the papal government, uses the following language: over the states of the Church, consonantly with right and justice, unless the people of those states, by silent acquiescence or by public approval, express their willingness to be subject to his sway. Now in order to test the validity of this argument, it is necessary to inquire into the form and mode of his election. For surely no one in these times, with his eyes open and his reason sound, will question this great political truth, that a government in order to be rightly founded, must be based either on the silent consent, or the expressed will of the people over whose destinies it presides. The most abject Don Cossack in the Czar's dominions would laugh in the face of the Emperor himself, were Nicholas to affirm that he ruled by divine right. The world has outgrown its swaddling-clothes, and has not yet been It should forced into its straight-jacket. The Roman Ponbe borne in mind that the Roman government tiff can exercise no prerogatives of government has hitherto been equally despotic in form and principle; that no provincial or municipal assemblies existed to form the nucleus of a great council. No national spirit or character pervades the heterogeneous realm-made up of possessions, to hardly one of which, anything like a decent title can be shown. The donation of Constantine to St. Sylvester, though ridiculed by satirists, and dropped by the papal jurists, is the only charter that can be adduced for the possession of Rome itself, and the Patrimony of St. Peter. The her Emperors, and the seat of Empire changed Agro Romano, and the Commarca, may be said to Byzantium, (which took place in the year 330, to come within the same category. The remo- under the reign of Constantine,) down to the ter provinces of the church, though claimed in year 800, she was successively conquered by barright of donations and bequests, were all in fact barians from almost every quarter of the world. acquired by conquest and usurpation, by the spo- For nearly five hundred years she was plundered liation of princes, and governors, and in direct and ravaged by hordes of the Heruli, Ostrogoths defiance of the known wishes of the people and Lombards; and during the same period she for no government was less popular in the mid- never once exercised the right of choosing her dle ages than that of the church-none was ex-own ruler. It seemed as if posed to more frequent rebellions, and in these repeated struggles, all popular rights were trampled on by the victors." It need hardly be said that the London Quar terly Review is the most rabid journal in Europe in its defence of royalty, and the staunchest advocate of hereditary rights, and the corruptions springing from the Feudal System in the old world. A system of arbitrary government, then, which finds not a champion, but an assailant, in the London Quarterly Review, must indeed be rotten. We have seen by what gradual and stealthy progress, the tiara was extended over the territories of the Italian people; let us now trace the course of that same tiara over their rights and liberties. From the period that Rome was deserted by Fate would rigidly her dues regain," by allowing every people and tribe on whose neck her yoke had been once securely rivetted, now to oppress her with the same bondage. In the eighth century, however, as we have already seen, a happy combination of circumstances enabled the pope, who had become a temporal prince, to assume something like independence, both of the barbarian and eastern emperors. Shortly afterwards Rome advanced one step further towards nationality, and in the year 800 again rose triumphant from her long servitude, and exercised the right of choosing her own sovereign. Sismondi in his history of the Italian Republics, (page 11) thus describes her resurrection. But it may be argued with some plausibility, that Pope Pius IX., is not responsible for the illegal and disgraceful acts of his predecessorsthat when he was clothed in the snowy robes and crowned with the dazzling tiara,—when he was swept along the broad aisles and beneath the lofty dome of St. Peter's to the State Hall of the "For more than twenty years the Popes or Vatican, that he was then constitutionally in- Bishops of Rome had been in the habit of opducted into the office of arbitrary sovereign of posing the kings of France to the monarchs the Roman people, and was thenceforth impera-of Lombardy who were odious to them, first |