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of the American republic, instead of being of schools and churches, reads from the left, as our fathers wisely left it, to each Declaration of Independence that all men State to decide for itself. Here I assert that uniformity in the local laws and institutions of the different States is neither possible nor desirable. If uniformity had been adopted when the government was established, it must inevitably have been the unformity of slavery everywhere, or else the uniformity of negro citizenship and negro equality every

where.

were created equal, and then asks how can you deprive a negro of that equality which God and the Declaration of Independence award to him? He and they maintain that negro equality is guaranteed by the laws of God, and that it is asserted in the Declaration of Independence. If they think so, of course they have a right to say so, and so vote. I do not question Mr. Lincoln's conscientious belief that the negro was made his equal, and hence is his brother; but, for my own part, I do not regard the negro as my equal, and positively deny that he is my brother or any kin to me whatever. Lincoln has evidently learned by heart Parson Lovejoy's catechism. He can repeat it as well as Farnsworth, and he is worthy of a medal from Father Giddings and Fred Douglass for his abolitionism. He holds that the negro was born his equal and yours, and that he was endowed with equality by the Almighty, and that no human law can deprive him of these rights which were guaranteed to him by the Supreme Ruler of the universe. Now I do not believe that the Almighty ever intended the negro to be the equal of the white man. If he did, he has been a long time demonstrating the fact. For thousands of years the negro has been a race upon the earth; and during all that time, in all latitudes and climates, wherever he has wandered or been taken, he has been inferior to the race which he has there met. He belongs to an inferior race, and must always occupy an inferior position. I do not hold that, because the negro is our inferior, therefore he. ought to be a slave. By no means can such a conclusion be drawn from what I have said. On the contrary, I hold that humanity and Christianity both require that the negro shall have and enjoy every right, every privilege, and every immunity consistent with the safety of the society in which he lives. On that point, I presume, there can be no diversity of opinion. You and I are bound to extend to our inferior and dependent beings every right, every privilege, every facility, and immunity consistent with the pubMr. Lincoln, following the example and lic good. The question then arises, lead of all the little abolition orators who What rights and privileges are congo around and lecture in the basements sistent with the public good? This

We are told by Lincoln that he is utterly opposed to the Dred Scott decision, and will not submit to it, for the reason that he says it deprives the negro of the rights and privileges of citizenship. That is the first and main reason which he assigns for his warfare on the Supreme Court of the United States and its decision. I ask you, Are you in favor of conferring upon the negro the rights and privileges of citizenship? Do you desire to strike out of our State constitution that clause which keeps slaves and free negroes out of the State, and allow the free negroes to flow in, and cover your prairies with black settlements? Do you desire to turn this beautiful State into a free negro colony, in order that, when Missouri abolishes slavery, she can send 100,000 emancipated slaves into Illinois, to become citizens and voters, on an equality with yourselves? If you desire negro citizenship, if you desire to allow them to come into the State and settle with the white man, if you desire them to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make them eligible to office, to serve on juries, and to adjudge your rights, then support Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican party, who are in favor of the citizenship of the negro. For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship in any and every form. I believe this government was made on the white basis. I believe it was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever; and I am in favor of confining citizenship to white men, men of European birth and descent, instead of conferring it upon negroes, Indians, and other inferior

races.

is a question which each State
each Territory must decide for
self. Illinois has decided it
herself. We have provided that the negro
shall not be a slave; and we have also
provided that he shall not be a citizen, but
protect him in his civil rights, in his life,
his person, and his property, only depriv-
ing him of all political rights whatsoever,
and refusing to put him on an equality
with the white man. That policy of Illi-
nois is satisfactory to the Democratic
party and to me, and, if it were to the
Republicans, there would then be no ques-
tion upon the subject; but the Republi-
cans say that he ought to made a citi-
zen, and, when he becomes a citizen, he
becomes your equal, with all your rights
and privileges. They assert the Dred
Scott decision to be monstrous because it
denies that the negro is or can be a citi-
zen under the Constitution.

and I would never consent to confer the right it- of voting and of citizenship upon a negro, for but still I am not going to quarrel with Maine for differing from me in opinion. Let Maine take care of her own negroes, and fix the qualifications of her own voters to suit herself, without interfering with Illinois; and Illinois will not interfere with Maine. So with the State of New York. She allows the negro to vote provided he owns two hundred and fifty dollars' worth of property, but not otherwise. While I would not make any distinction whatever between a negro who held property and one who did not, yet, if the sovereign State of New York chooses to make that distinction, it is her business, and not inine; and I will not quarrel with her for it. She can do as she pleases on this question if she minds her own business, and we will do the same thing. Now, my friends, if we will Now I hold that Illinois had a right only act conscientiously and rigidly to abolish and prohibit slavery as she did, upon this great principle of popular and I hold that Kentucky has the same sovereignty, which guarantees to each right to continue and protect slavery that State and Territory the right to do as Illinois had to abolish it. I hold that New it pleases on all things local and domesYork had as much right to abolish slavery tic, instead of Congress interfering, we as Virginia had to continue it, and that will continue at peace one with another. each and every State of this Union is a Why should Illinois be at war with Missovereign power, with the right to do as souri, or Kentucky with Ohio, or Virit pleases upon this question of slavery ginia with New York, merely because and upon all its domestic institutions. their institutions differ? Our fathers Slavery is not the only question which intended that our institutions should comes up in this controversy. There is a differ. They knew that the North and far more important one to you; and that the South, having different climates, prois, What shall be done with the free negro? ductions, and interests, required different We have settled the slavery question as institutions. This doctrine of Mr. Linfar as we are concerned: we have prohibit- coln, of uniformity among the institued it in Illinois forever, and, in doing so, tions of the different States, is a new I think we have done wisely, and there doctrine, never dreamed of by Washingis no man in the State who would be ton, Madison, or the framers of this more strenuous in his opposition to the government. Mr. Lincoln and the Reintroduction of slavery than I would; but, publican party set themselves up as when we settled it for ourselves, we ex- wiser than these men who made this govhausted all our power over that subject. ernment, which has flourished for seventy We have done our whole duty, and can years under the principle of popular do no more. We must leave each and sovereignty, recognizing the right of each every other State to decide for itself the State to do as it pleased. Under that same question. In relation to the policy principle, we have grown from a nato be pursued towards the free negroes, tion of 3,000,000 or 4,000,000 to a nation we have said that they shall not vote; of about 30,000,000 people. We have while Maine, on the other hand, has said crossed the Alleghany Mountains and that they shall vote. Maine is a sovereign filled up the whole Northwest, turning State, and has the power to regulate the the prairie into a garden, and building qualifications of voters within her limits. up churches and schools, thus spreading

civilization and Christianity where before the subject of slavery. On his return, in there was nothing but savage barbarism. 1847, he began the publication, at RochesUnder that principle we have become, ter, N. Y., of the North Star (afterwards from a feeble nation, the most powerful Frederick Douglass's Paper). In 1870 he on the face of the earth; and, if we only adhere to that principle, we can go forward increasing in territory, in power, in strength, and in glory until the republic of America shall be the north star that shall guide the friends of freedom throughout the civilized world. And why can we not adhere to the great principle of self-government upon which our institutions were originally based? I believe that this new doctrine preached by Mr. Lincoln and his party will dissolve the Union if it succeeds. They are trying to array all the Northern States in one body against the South, to excite a sectional war between the free States and the slave States, in order that the one or the other may be driven to the wall.

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For Mr. Lincoln's reply, see LINCOLN, ABRAHAM.

Douglas, WILLIAM, military officer; born in Plainfield, Conn., Jan. 17, 1742; served in the French and Indian War, and was present at the surrender of Quebec. He recruited a company at the beginning of the Revolutionary War and accompanied Montgomery in the expedition against Canada. He participated in the unfortunate campaign which ended in the fall of New York, and greatly distinguished himself in the engagements on Long Island and Harlem Plains. He died in Northford, Conn., May 28, 1777.

Douglass, FREDERICK, diplomatist; born in Tuckahoe, Talbot co., Md., in February, 1817; was a mulatto, the son of a slave mother; lived in Baltimore after he was ten years of age, and secretly taught himself to read and write. Endowed with great natural moral and intellectual ability, he fled from slavery at the age of twenty-one years, and, going to New Bedford, married, and supported himself by day-labor on the wharves and in workshops. In 1841 he spoke at an anti-slavery convention at Nantucket, and soon afterwards was made the agent of the Massachusetts Anti-slavery Society. He lectured extensively in New England, and, going to Great Britain, spoke in nearly all the large towns in that country on

FREDERICK DOUGLASS.

became editor of the National Era at Washington City; in 1871 was appointed assistant secretary of the commission to Santo Domingo; then became one of the Territorial Council of the District of Columbia; in 1876-81 was United States marshal for the District; in 1881-86 was recorder of deeds there; and in 1889-91 was United States minister to Haiti. He was author of Narrative of My Experiences in Slavery (1844); My Bondage and My Freedom (1855); and Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (1881). He died near Washington, D. C., Feb. 20, 1895.

Dow, LORENZO, clergyman; born in Coventry, Conn., Oct. 16, 1777; was ordained in the Methodist ministry; went as a missionary to Ireland in 1799 and 1805; introduced camp-meetings into England; and through a discussion which resulted from these the Primitive Methodist Church was organized. On account of his eccentricities he was nicknamed "Crazy Dow." He died in Georgetown, D. C., Feb. 2, 1834.

Dow, NEAL, reformer; born in Portland, Me., March 20, 1804. From the time he was a boy he was noted for his zeal in the temperance cause, and was one of the founders of the Prohibition party. In 1851 he drafted the famous

prohibitory law of Maine, and was elected mayor of Portland in 1851 and 1854. In the Civil War he was commissioned colonel of the 13th Maine Volunteers; was promoted to brigadier-general; and was a prisoner of war at Mobile and in Libby prison. In 1880 he was the candidate of the Prohibition party for President, and in 1894 temperance organizations throughout the world observed his ninetieth birthday. He died in Portland, Me., Oct. 2, 1897. Dowie, JOHN ALEXANDER, adventurer; born in Scotland. At one time a pastor in Australia, he afterwards went to Chicago, Ill., and became a "healer," realestate operator, newspaper proprietor, and manufacturer. He founded a lace-making industry near Waukegan, Ill. The place was called "Zion" and his followers "Zionites." He announced that he was the Prophet Elijah returned to earth, and surrounded himself with armed guards under a pretence that his life was in danger. In 1904 he proclaimed himself First Apostle of the Christian Catholic Church. Downie, GEORGE, naval officer; born in Ross, Ireland; at an early age entered the British navy; in 1812 was given command of the squadron on the Lakes and commanded the British fleet at the battle of Plattsburg, in which he was killed, Sept. 11, 1814.

Drake, SIR FRANCIS, navigator; born near Tavistock, Devonshire, England, between 1539 and 1546. Becoming a seaman in early youth, he was owner and master of a ship at the age of eighteen years. After making commercial voyages to Guinea, Africa, he sold her, and invested the proceeds in an expedition to Mexico, under Captain Hawkins, in 1567. The fleet was nearly destroyed in an attack by the Spaniards at San Juan de Ulloa (near Vera Cruz), and Drake returned to England stripped of all his property. The Spanish government refused to indemnify him for his losses, and he sought revenge and found it. Queen Elizabeth gave him a commission in the royal navy, and in 1572 he sailed from Plymouth with two ships for the avowed purpose of plundering the Spaniards. He did so successfully on the coasts of South America, and returned in 1573 with greater wealth than he ever possessed before. Drake was welcomed as a hero; he soon won the title honorably by circumnavigating the globe. He had seen from a mountain on Darien the waters of the Pacific Ocean, and resolved to explore them. Under the patronage of the Queen, he sailed from Plymouth in December, 1577; passed through the Strait of Magellan into the Pacific Ocean; pillaged the Spanish settlements on the

Draft Riots. See CONSCRIPTION; NEW coasts of Peru and Chile, and a Spanish YORK (city).

Dragoons, an old name for cavalry. Drainsville, SKIRMISHI AT. The loyal people of the country became impatient because the Army of the Potomac, fully 200,000 strong at the end of 1861, was seemingly kept at bay by 60,000 Confederates. There was a sense of relief when, on Dec. 20, Gen. E. O. C. Ord had a sharp skirmish with a Confederate force near Drainsville, led by Gen. J. E. B. Stuart. Ord had gone out to capture Confederate foragers, and to gather forage from the farms of Confederates. He was attacked by Stuart, who had come up from Centreville. A severe fight occurred, and the Confederates were beaten and fled. The Nationals lost seven killed and sixty-three wounded; the Confederates lost forty-three killed and 143 wounded. The Nationals returned to camp with sixteen wagon-loads of hay and twenty-two

of corn.

galleon laden with gold and silver bullion; and, pushing northward, discovered the bay of San Francisco, took possession of California in the name of his Queen, and named the country New Albion, or New England.

He had sailed northward as high, probably, as latitude 46°, or near the boundary between Oregon and the British possessions, and possibly he went farther north, for he encountered very cold weather in June, and turned back. Drake entered a fine bay and landed his stores, preparatory to repairing his ship; and he remained on the coast fully a month, hospitably treated by the natives. Late in June he was visited by the king of the country and his official attendants. The former was dressed in rabbit-skins-a peculiar mark of distinction. His officers were clad in feathers, and his other followers were almost naked. Drake received them cordially. The sceptre-bearer and

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shores the ceremony of his coronation took place.

the king, singing with all the rest, set a of San Francisco Bay, and that near its crown upon Drake's head, and saluted him as Hioh, or sovereign. Drake accepted the honor in the name of Queen Elizabeth. After taking possession of the country he erected a wooden post, placed upon it a copper plate, with an inscription, on which was asserted the right of Queen Elizabeth and her successors to the kingdom, with the time of his arrival there, and a statement of the voluntary resignation of the

Fearing encounters with the Spaniards on his return with his treasure-laden vessels, Drake sought a northeast passage to England. Met by severe cold, he turned back, crossed the Pacific to the Spice Islands, thence over the Indian Ocean, and, doubling the Cape of Good Hope, reached England in November, 1580. The delighted

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