tions; and he was perfectly able to identify the said James Frere, if he could fall in with him, having known him well during a period of imprisonment which he had suffered some years since, for obtaining money under false pretences.

That the present charge was for surreptitiously obtaining the baggage and papers of a fellow-passenger, who had been left at Jamaica, as was supposed, in a dying state not expected to survive above a few hours; that the gentleman's disease had turned out to be an abscess on the liver, which burst, and he recovered, and was on his way to England to prosecute Mr. Frere, and obtain restitution, if possible, of the property taken, consisting chiefly of emeralds and diamonds in the rough; gold; and other matters, which could not so immediately have been turned into cash, as to make their seizure in the swindler's possession hopeless. Information had been received at Liverpool, and the authorities there had been on the look-out; but no person at all answering the description given, had been seen at any of the hotels. The matter had been put into Mitchell's hands and he had traced every passenger that landed from the same ship, except one. That one he, at ength, traced to a little public-house in the outskirts of Liverpool; and though the personal appearance of the guest there seemed the very reverse of the man wanted, the detective was much too well accustomed to the shifts and disguises of these chevaliers d'industrie, to be the least discouraged on that account. He requested to be shown the room the stranger had occupied; declaring that a valuable diamond ring had been lost or purloined during his stay. The irate landlady told him that he might" dig the floor up" if he liked; that the room had been cleaned, and moreover occupied, since the gentleman was there; that nothing had been found; that her inn, "though poor, was honest, &c. &c.

Mitchell did not "dig the floor up," but he made a very minute search in drawers of tables, and out-of-the-way corners; and though he found little, it was apparently enough, for with a sharp frown, followed by a whistle and a peculiar smile, he ceased from his labors. Mitchell found in the grate (which had not since had a fire in it), first, the outer paper of a small box which had been sealed with three seals - two of them tolerable impressions of the initials and crest of the gentleman who had been robbed, the third melted and defaced; sec

the country which had apparently tied up a package of that size; then an address label, torn across, with "Jonas Field, Passenger," upon it; the cover of an old letter, which had been used to wipe up ink spilt on the table, and being laid flat, was found to be addressed " Spencer Carew, Esq. ;" and, finally, the distinct impression in an old blotting-book of a very hurried direction to "Miss Ross at Glenrossie, N. B." Which last brought Mitchell to Scotland, and so into the presence of Sir Douglas. It was James Frere's writing; there could be no doubt of that. Nor any doubt that the sight of it was a great shock to the master of Glenrossie; as Mitchell saw, when he placed the leaf in that soldier's hand, and observed the fingers tremble as they held it.

The astute officer looked round the handsome apartment as if he expected to see James Frere crouched under one of the tables, or emerging from the crimson curtains.

"Miss Ross one of the family, I presume?" said the detective.

"Yes," said Sir Douglas.

He spoke with such stern haughtiness that the man was rather put out, and muttered something about "the course of justice," and being there "in obedience to orders from his superiors," and other such phrases, which Sir Douglas cut short by saying, with a sort of sorrowful civility, I am not blaming you. The person you are in search of is not here, but I have a letter on the same business from the Home Office in London. I will see you again when I have read through the papers that have been sent me, and meanwhile my servants will give you refreshments."

The Nemesis who was pursuing Frere, had willed that the invalid of Jamaica should be a personal friend of Lorimer Boyd, and that Boyd should be in London, on his way to another diplomatic appointment. Applications for assistance to the Home and Foreign Office were instantly made, and every help afforded; the loss incurred being little less than the loss of a life of savings on the part of one who imagined he was at last returning to enjoy competence and comfort in his native land. From Lorimer Boyd's letter, about "the man I always felt sure was a scoundrel and impostor," and from Mitchell the detective and his experience, Sir Douglas gleaned the history of James Frere as far as any one could trace it.

Who, or what he was, at the beginning,

From the London Review, 2 Mar. THE NORTH GERMAN CONFEDERATION. THE first session of the North German Parliament has been opened at Berlin, with all due form and solemnity, by the King of Prussia. No one can deny the greatness of the occasion; nor is it easy to place an exaggerated estimate upon the importance of the changes which it signalizes, or of that still more complete development of German unity of which it is in all probability the starting point. At this time last year Germany was broken up into petty States, each independent within its own borders, each affording an opening to foreign intrigue, each contributing, through the ambition or the mutual jealousy of their rulers, to the weakness rather than to the strength of the common Fatherland. It is true, that amongst the people there was a deep yearning for unity, a strong sense that Germany had not the position in Europe to which her importance entitled her, an intimate conviction that she had neither the strength for offence or defence which properly belonged to her numerous, brave, and patriotic population. But there appeared little or no prospect of their aspirations being realized. Their country was bound fast in the net which had been woven round her by the events of centuries, and which the Congress of Vienna had perceptibly tightened. Every successive attempt to create a nation out of a congeries of petty kingdoms and principalities had failed; and although most people who thought at all about the matter felt convinced that the Germans would, sooner or later, work their way to the desired goal, few would have ventured a twelvemonth ago to predict that the year 1866 would not pass away before the foundations had been laid of a new and we trust a powerful German empire. We need not dwell upon the series of events by which this consummation has been brought about. The King of Prussia, in his inaugural address to the new Parliament, piously refers the result to the direct interposition of Providence, which has led Germany towards the object desired by her people through paths which were neither chosen nor foreseen. But although we are ready to believe that his Majesty has been, to a great extent, an unconscious instrument in the transactions which have made him every inch an emperor, we do not believe that Count Bismarck has been equally taken by surprise. The truth is, that as Germany became divided in consequence

of the weakness of its former nominal head, it has become united because one of its States has acquired a decisive preponderance, and has been boldly and skilfully pushed forward to the front by a statesman equally remarkable for audacity in conceiving great plans, and for skill in conducting them to a successful issue. Still, Count Bismarck could have done nothing had he not been the representative of a strong national feeling; or had he sought to impose an organization upon the country, rather than to assist her in gaining one adapted to her wants and congenial to her wishes. No one can approve many of his measures. No one can regard with satisfaction the tortuous paths through which he has too often pursued his way. But he is, after all, entitled to the sort of indulgence which we always grant to the founders of empires; and above all to those who build them upon the solid bases of national desires and of the natural fitness of things. If Germany had not desired unity, the battle of Sadowa might have added a few provinces to Prussia, but it would not have placed her at the head of a North German Confederation. In the fact that he has been able to overcome sectional jealousies, the opposition of the minor sovereigns, and the other obstacles which always impede the reorganization of a great country, lies the best justification for the course which Count Bismarck has pursued. The meeting of the North German Parliament is not only the fruit but the sanction of his policy.

It is difficult to read without some slight incredulity the assurance of King William, that he would have been equally ready to become a subordinate member of the new Confederation as to take and assume its headship, had circumstances called him to the former instead of the latter position. We do not believe in the readiness of any monarch to consent to a limitation of his independent authority, and it is tolerably well known that there was no great eagerness for self-sacrifice amongst the princes whose devotion to the general welfare his Majesty is pleased to acknowledge in terms to which the real facts of the case impart somewhat of an ironical character. There is more truth, and also a more important meaning in the following paragraph of the address, in which the King dwells upon the difficulties that have been encountered in obtaining the assent of so many different Governments to the draft of a Federal Constitution, and urges this as a reason why the new Parliament should not hastily disturb the arrangements that have been arrived at.

There is no doubt that the Constitution, as now settled, is far from perfect. It is drawn up rather on Conservative than on Liberal lines. It is not intended to give the popular will the free play that many people wish, and that is to some extent desirable. It is, in fact, founded rather on the idea of consolidating a powerful State under the guidance of a strong chief, than of developing the liberties of the people who are subject to it. But we cannot help agreeing with the King, when he remarks, "that the point of supreme importance at present is not to neglect the favourable moment for laying the foundations of the building; its more perfect completion can then safely remain intrusted to the subsequent combined co-operation of the German sovereigns and races." There is an amount of truth in this which the German Liberals, who are discontented with the provisions of the Constitution, would do well to lay to heart. If the Assembly refuses to assent to the draft which it will be their first duty to consider, or if the landtags of the different States to which it must in time be submitted should take that course, the whole scheme of a North German Parliament would be in danger of shipwreck.

Prussia will preserve her ascendancy by means of the treaties which she has extorted from the smaller States, but there will be no common assembly in which the people are represented, and through the medium of which the nation may eventually attain not only a more complete union, but a larger measure of freedom. The great thing is to get a Federal assembly representing not the princes, but the people, fairly to work. It may be imperfectly constituted; it may even for a time tend rather to the strengthening of authority than the growth of freedom. But it must furnish an invaluable basis of operations, and in the long run it must be amenable to the liberal feeling and the intelligence of the country. It will be far better to wait awhile for the final crowning of the edifice than to risk the loss of that which has been accomplished by attempting (as some of the Liberals are said to intend) to obtain the adoption of the Democratic charter of 1848. If they were successful, the only result would be infinite confusion and an indefinite postponement of the ultimate end they have in view; because, although the assembly might vote, it could not establish such a constitution without the consent of the several Governments, and this would certainly not be given. There is, however, no reason to expect that counsels of so extreme a charac

ter will prevail. In the Federal Parliament itself, Count Bismarck, so far as we can now venture to anticipate, will have it pretty much his own way. The real danger to the scheme lies at a subsequent stage, when is is submitted to the local Parliaments of the different States.

If there were no other motive which should induce the members of these assemblies to "strain a point " rather than reject the constitution, a very strong inducement to adopt such a course would be supplied by the consideration, that the sooner Northern Germany assumes a definite, and something like a permament form, the sooner can steps be taken to enter into closer relations with the Southern States. Although the King uses very guarded language on this point, it is plain that he or rather Count Bismarck, has not relinquished the idea of bringing the whole of Germany into one confederation, under the leadership of Prussia. All that is at present spoken of is the formation of the Zollverein, the common promotion of trade, and a combined guarantee for the security of German territory. But we can easily understand that if so much is uttered a good deal is left unsaid, in deference to the susceptibilities of at least one foreign nation. And yet, as his Majesty justly observes, there is no legitimate reason why any Power should regard with jealousy the rise of that German Empire-stretching from the Alps to the Baltic which is the inevitable, and probably not the very distant consummation of recent events. The direction of the German mind is peaceful. There is no wish for the conquest of any territory inhabited by foreign races, now that Denmark has been successfully despoiled of Slesvig. The inclination of the people is industrial rather than warlike, and their motto is very much like that of our own volunteers, "defence, and not defiance." Of course, if any other nation still hankers after German soil, and still nourishes any desire to acquire so called natural boundaries, we can well understand that it may look with disfavour upon a consolidation and a common organization which will once for all defeat the realization of its designs. But, in truth, those designs if they be entertained are even now quite hopeless. The North German Confederation ought to be able to defend their own frontiers against all comers, and even if they are not, it is certain that at the first cannon shot that was fired on the Rhine, their fellow-countrymen south of the Maine would rush to their assistance. Still it is desirable for many reasons, both of internal organiza