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prohibiting slavery. Consequently the South made strenuous objection. Since half of the territory lay south of 36 degrees, 30 minutes, it was proposed to apply to it the principle of the Missouri Compromise of 1820, under which slavery was excluded only from the region of territory north of this line. Moreover, a fugitive slave law was demanded, as a means of safeguarding rights guaranteed by the Constitution. There were a number of bills before Congress, and amid the conflicting issues which arose at this time, the Union was greatly imperiled. Some of the Southern leaders made speeches the effect of which was to inflame the minds of people at home.

Acting upon advice from Washington, the Georgia Legislature called a convention to meet in Milledgeville on December 10, 1850. The people were stirred to a high pitch of excitement. Mass meetings had been held during the summer at which such spellbinders as Rhett, of South Carolina, Yancey, of Alabama, and ex-Governor Charles J. McDonald, of Georgia, and other advocates of extreme state rights, had spoken with powerful effect. Meanwhile, however, Mr. Clay had come forward with his famous Omnibus Bill. Its provisions were these: to admit California without slavery; to permit New Mexico and Utah to settle the question for themselves; to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; and to re-enact a law compelling the return of escaped slaves. This was the last of Mr. Clay's great achievements as a compromiser, and was known as the Compromise of 1850. It introduced for the first time what was afterwards known as the principle of "Squatter Sovereignty," a principle which left to the settlers themselves the right to settle the slavery question in the territories. Both sides accepted this compromise as the crystalized wisdom of the hour.

Georgia's entire delegation supported the compromise, whigs and democrats uniting. But the secessional fires kindled in Georgia by the impassioned oratory of this turbulent hour, both in and out of Congress, were still crackling; and to extinguish the blaze before its incendiary flames could endanger the Union, Messrs. Toombs, Stephens and Cobb hastened home and plunged into the campaign which was then in progress for the election of delegates to the Milledgeville Convention. There was a widespread misconception in Georgia as to the exact status in which the Compromise of 1850 left matters, but these trusted leaders cleared the atmosphere. Hostility was disarmed; and to the convention. which assembled at Milledgeville, on December 10, 1850, a majority of the delegates chosen were Union men. It fell to Hon. Charles J. Jenkins, of Richmond, as chairman of a committee appointed for this purpose, to draft the convention's report; and this report became justly famous as the Georgia Platform of 1850. Setting forth Georgia's strong attachment to the Union, it deplored the slavery agitation, asserted the right of the state to settle this question for themselves, avowed a willingness to accept the compromise measures of Mr. Clay, but declared it to be Georgia's duty and determination to resist any measure of Congress to disturb the peace or to invade the rights of the slaveholding states. This report was adopted. It quieted the situation. Georgia's action produced a tranquilizing effect upon other states, and historians are agreed

that this happy solution of a grave problem deferred the great Civil war for at least ten years.‡

In 1849, Governor Towns was renominated and re-elected by the democrats. His competitor, at this time, was Judge E. Y. Hill, a whig. Again it was by a small majority that the democratic candidate won. Judge Hill was a man of high character and of wide influence throughout the state, and he polled 43,322 votes in the popular election against 46,514 cast for Governor Towns. The power of the whig party in Georgia was beginning slowly to wane, due to a suspected lukewarmness on the part of its Northern members toward slavery. As a party, the whigs had not favored the annexation of Texas, which meant an additional slave state; nor had they favored the Mexican war.

Two new counties were created by the Legislature of 1850: Clinch and Gordon. The former of these was laid off from Wayne and was called Clinch in honor of Gen. Duncan L. Clinch, a former member of Congress and a successful Indian fighter. Gordon was detached from Floyd and Cass and was named for Hon. W. W. Gordon, the first president of the Central of Georgia and one of the state's industrial captains.¶ On November 10, 1850, the Roman Catholic Church in Georgia was organized into a separate jurisdiction called the See of Savannah. Right Rev. Francis X. Garland became its first bishop. This distinguished ecclesiastic was beloved by all, regardless of creed. He died of yellow fever, a malady which he contracted during the famous epidemic of 1854 in Savannah, while caring for the sick.

Georgia's population, according to the Federal census of 1850, was little short of a round million. To give the exact figures, it disclosed a total of 906,185 inhabitants, of which number 384,613 were slaves. The state's annual yield of cotton at this time was 500,000 bales; of wheat, 1,000,000 bushels; of oats, 4,000,000 bushels; and of corn, 30,000,000 bushels. The value of its crops was $47,000,000. Exports reached $9,000,000. Imports totaled only $700,000. As compared with 1840, these statistics indicated a rapid growth in material wealth.||

"History of Georgia," R. P. Brooks, p. 244.

¶ WM. W. GORDON: MONUMENT TO THE RAILWAY PIONEER.-One of the most beautiful monuments in the City of Savannah is the handsome structure of marble, in Courthouse Square, commemorating the useful life of the great pioneer of railway development in Georgia: William Washington Gordon. He died at the early age of forty-six. The Gordon monument in Savannah is unique. Resting upon a solid pedestal of granite, it consists of four handsome columns of Scotch marble. These enclose at the base an urn of artistic workmanship and support at the top a globe of great weight. The symbolism is beautifully in keeping with the career of usefulness which it thus commemorates. On the east side of the monument is portrayed a trestle over which a locomotive is drawing a train of cars. On the south side, an inscription reads thus:

66

William Washington Gordon. Born January 17, 1796. Died March 20, 1842. The Pioneer of Works of Internal Improvement in his native State and the first President of the Central Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia, to which he gave his time, his talents and finally his life."

On the west side is inscribed the following:

"Erected A. D. 1882 by the Central Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia in Honor of a Brave Man, a Faithful and Devoted Officer, and to Preserve his Name in the Grateful Remembrances of his Fellow Citizens.''

"History of Georgia," L. B. Evans, p. 259.

CHAPTER XXXI

THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 AN ISSUE IN THE NEXT STATE ELECTIONHOWELL COBB, WITH THE PRESTIGE OF THE SPEAKERSHIP, QUITS CONGRESS TO OFFER HIMSELF FOR GOVERNOR AS THE CANDIDATE OF THE NEW CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY OF GEORGIA-EX-GOVERNOR MCDONALD, A FORMER UNION MAN, IS THE CANDIDATE OF THE EXTREME STATE SOVEREIGNTY ELEMENT, BUT MEETS DEFEAT AT THE POLLS ACT DIVIDING THE STATE INTO FORTY-SEVEN DISTRICTS REPEALED COUNTY REPRESENTATION IN THE SENATE IS REVIVED-Two NEW JUDICIAL CIRCUITS BLUE RIDGE AND MACON-THREE NEW COUNTIES-POLK, SPALDING AND WHITEFIELD THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1852-THE GEORGIA WHIGS VOTE FOR DANIEL WEBSTER, AFTER THE GREAT NEW ENGLANDER'S DEATH-FRANKLIN PIERCE IS ELECTED THE POWER OF THE WHIG PARTY IS BROKEN-JUDGE BERRIEN RESIGNS THE TOGA-ROBERT M. CHARLTON SUCCEEDS HIM UNTIL ROBERT TOOMBS IS ELECTED SEVERAL NEW COUNTIES TAYLOR, CATOOSA, DOUGHERTY, FULTON, HART, DICKENS, PAULDING, WORTH, CALHOUN, CHATTAHOOCHEE, CHARLTON, CLAY, CLAYTON, COFFEE, AND FANNIN HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON DEFEATS CHARLES J. JENKINS FOR GOVERNOR IN 1856-EBENEZER STARNES AND HENRY L. BENNING SUCCEED WARNER AND NISBET ON THE SUPREME BENCH-MEMBERS OF CONGRESS DURING THIS PERIOD ALFRED IVERSON SUCCEEDS WILLIAM C. DAWSON AS UNITED STATES SENATOR-THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY-RUMBLINGS OF THE COMING STORMTHE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1856-JAMES BUCHANAN Is ELECTED BUT THE NEWLY ORGANIZED REPUBLICAN PARTY THREATENS TO BECOME AN IMPORTANT FACTOR IN AMERICAN POLITICS-THE KNOW-NOTHINGS-BRUNSWICK AND TALLAPOOSA CIRCUITS CREATED NEW COUNTIES-BERRIEN, COLQUITT, HARALSON, TERRELL, TOWNS, AND WEBSTER-DEATH OF GEORGE M. TROUP.

But the compromise measures of 1850 became an issue in the next state election. Despite the adoption of the Georgia platform, whose quieting effect we have just noted, the opponents of the compromise organized a party in the interest of extreme state rights, and, on a vigorous platform, nominated for governor, Hon. Charles J. McDonald, a former chief executive and a former Union man. To prevent a repetition of the trouble just averted, it was necessary for the Unionists to band themselves together in a new party organization and to put forth a candidate. Accordingly, the constitutional union party was organized. Speaker Cobb, a Jacksonian democrat, with the prestige of a national reputation, relinquished his seat in Congress to become the standardbearer of this new party, created to rescue Georgia from the impending

evils of disunion. Mr. Cobb was the strongest man in Georgia to make this race. His personal popularity, his great intellectual power, and his high official position, all combined to make him at this time Georgia's favorite son. In the campaign which followed, Toombs and Stephens both warmly supported Mr. Cobb, though formerly his opponents. Under the banner of Union, all whigs and democrats who wished to allay further strife united in this campaign, with the result that Mr. Cobb swept the state and won the governorship by a majority of 18,000 votes.

Since 1843 the state had been divided into forty-seven senatorial districts. But for some reason this grouping of counties had not given satisfaction; and in 1851 a constitutional amendment, having passed at the session of 1850, received final adoption, restoring the old system

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of country representation in the State Senate. This new law remained in effect until 1861, when the present division of the state in forty-four senatorial districts became operative; but from 1853 to 1861 each county in the state elected its senator, as it had previously done from 1789 to 1845.

At this session of the General Assembly two new judicial circuits were created-the Blue Ridge Circuit, of which David Irwin became the first judge; and the Macon Circuit, to preside over which the first judge elected by the Legislature was Abner P. Powers.

Three counties were also at this time added to the map of Georgia. Polk was laid off from Paulding and named for President James K. Polk, of Tennessee; Spalding was organized out of Pike and Henry and named for Hon. Thomas Spalding, of St. Simon's Island, a wealthy planter and a former member of Congress; while Whitefield was formed out of Murray and named for the great pulpit orator of the Church of England, who founded the famous Bethesda Orphan House, near Savannah, Rev. George Whitefield.

In the national campaign of 1852, both the whigs and the democrats planted themselves squarely on the compromise measures of 1850. The former nominated Gen. Winfield Scott, a hero of the Mexican campaign. The latter put forward Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire. The Georgia whigs could not consistently support General Scott. Not only were his laurels won in Mexico somewhat wilted by a court-martial but his position on the Fugitive Slave Law was not sufficiently orthodox. Consequently, in a state convention the Georgia whigs decided to support Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, for President, and Charles J. Jenkins, of Georgia, for Vice-President. Webster died before the election, but thousands of ballots were cast on which his name appeared.* This was done, of course, as an expression of principle and to preserve a party organization. Still another whig contingent, on a platform of extreme state rights, nominated George M. Troup, of Georgia, and John A. Quitman, of Mississippi, on a presidential ticket.

There was also division among the democrats. Some of the unionists nominated an independent ticket, with Pierce's name, however, at its head. The vote cast in Georgia was as follows: For Pierce, on the regular democratic ticket, 33,843 votes; for Pierce, on the union ticket, 5,773; for Scott, 15,779; for Webster, 5,289; for Troup, 119.†

The following presidential electors were chosen in 1852 to cast the state's ten electoral votes for Pierce and King (William R. King, of Alabama), to wit: From the state at large, Wilson Lumpkin and Herschel V. Johnson; district electors, Thomas M. Foreman, R. H. Clark, H. G. Lamar, Hugh A. Haralson, I. E. Brown, William L. Mitchell, R. W. Flournoy and William Schley.‡

This election completely overthrew the power of the whig party in Georgia. Its hostility to slavery alienated most of its former adherents, leaving few men of influence and power in the state to uphold the whig banner.

But the party's decline was foreshadowed in the congressional elections of 1850. The following strong delegation was chosen at this time to represent Georgia in the Thirty-second Congress (1851-1853): Joseph W. Jackson, James Johnson, David J. Bailey, Charles Murphy, Elijah W. Chastain, Junius Hillyer, Alexander H. Stephens, and Robert Toombs. Messrs. Toombs and Stephens were the only two members of the delegation who had been in active affiliation with the old whig party, nor did they continue long to remain in this political fold. Mr.

* Mr. Webster's popularity in Georgia was due largely to his celebrated 7th of March (1850) speech, in which he rebuked the New England abolitionists. Says a distinguished Washington correspondent: "Boston's reply was the closing of the doors of Faneuil Hall to her most illustrious citizen. One of the successors of Webster, in the present Senate (Mr. Lodge), would walk backward and cover him with a quilt, while the other (Mr. Hoar) has written a splendid chapter, in the perusal of which we may speculate that Webster on March 7 postponed secession ten years, during which the North waxed strong enough to successfully grapple with it when it could no longer be postponed. Mr. Hoar thinks that as Webster's vision was strongest and clearest he saw what men like (Thad) Stevens could not see and acted best for the country. At least, Mr. Hoar makes a suggestion of that import.''

"Essays by Savoyard," pp. 59-60.

"Georgia and State Rights,'' U. B. Phillips, p. 168.

"Lanman's Biographical Annals of the United States Government,''

pp. 530-532.

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