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All wisdom centres there (YOUNG, N. Th. 4, 484.). Thou led'st me here (BYRON, Bride 2, 11.). He is above, sir (SHERID., Riv. 2, 1.). Feversham followed them thither (MACAUL., Hist. of E. II. 167.). I'll be wise hereafter (SHAKSP., Temp. 5, 1.). My life is spann'd already (Henry VIII. 1, 2.). This custom of shaving is not .. much wanted now (Bulw., Dever. 5, 2.). This sort of injury is felt very early (Scott, Minstr. I. 19.). It is even so (Carlyle, Past a. Pres. 3, 1.). The siege was pressed more closely! (Motley, Rise of the D. Rep. 2, 9.) I will go instantly (Bulw., Lady of L. 1, 3.). Oliver cried lustily (DICKENS, Ol. Twist.) etc. So auch in der Participialkonstruktion: These injuries having been comforted externally etc. (DICKENS, M. Chuzzlew. 1, 2.). Doch kann sich das Adverb vor anderen Bestimmungen an das Verb, aber auch mit seinem Pronominalobjekte und selbst mit einem anderen Objekte, lehnen: He heard again the language of his nursery (MACAUL., Hist. of E. VI. 116.). The volume before us reminds us now and then of the life of Cicero (MACAUL., Essays III. 5.). You may cast your eye slightly on What you have before you (SHAFTESBURY, Characterist. I. 1.). You always put things so pleasantly (Bulw., Money 3, 4.).

Altengl. We shall abide you here (Town. M. p. 38.). And smyte eyper oper her & þer (R. of Gl. p. 185.). He welde þat riche heer (LAZAM. I. 165.). þe fullunt broute hider in (I. 2.). It lay there 200 zeer (Maundev. p. 12.). Thurfte him noht seke tresor so fer, he 'mihte finde ner (Wright, Polit. S. p. 338.). Thus farith al the world nuthe (p. 202.). As ych seyde er (R. or Gl. p. 85.). Hit is byfalle 80 (Wright A. Halliw., Rel. Ant. I. 122.). It is not so (Maundev. p. 10.). Had je do duly (Depos. of Rich. II. p. 8.). Zif we henen faref þus (LAŽAm. I. 248.). Eneas nom Lauine leofliche to wife (I. 8.sq.). Ags. Þe me mid his earmum vorhte hêr mid handum sínum (CÆDM. 541.). Vand him up þanon (444.). God geseab þá þåt bit god väs (Gen. 1, 4.). He ârâs sona (19, 1.). On vorulda voruld vunie syotan (Ps. 103, 29). Adræf þâ hâtheortnysse fram þînre såvle hraðe (Basil., Admon. 5.). Se sôtfästa symble on drihten

bliss að baldlice (Ps. 63, 9). 2. Wir haben bereits gesehen (s. S 565.), wie das an die Spitze des

Satzes tretende Adverb, bei der Inversion des Subjekt es, sich näher an das Satzverb reihet. Daneben ist aber auch seine Abscheidung von dems Iben durch das Subjekt vielfach gebräuchlich. Erklärlich ist das Anheben mit dem interrogativen und relativen Adverb, mit der berührten Inversion in direkter Frage, ohne dieselbe, im indirekten Fragesatz und im Relativsatze. Darin stimmt das Englische mit vielen älteren und neueren Sprachen überein. Auch werden die als Konjunktionen gebräuchlichen Adverbien natürlich meist an der Spitze des Satzes ohne Inversion des Subjektes gefunden. Aber auch andere lokale, temporale, modale etc. Adverbien treten an diese Stelle.

Here we are at Lyons (Bulw., Lady of L. 5, 1.). Here he studied grammar (Irving, Columb. 1, 1.). Thither he plies (Mill., P. L. 2, 954.). There you are wrong (Bulw., Money 1, 1.). There he stood

(SCOTT, Monast. Introd.). Down I went (TENNYS. p. 91.). Once again we'll sleep secure (SHAKSP., I Henry VI. 3, 2.). Hence it is etc. (MACAUL., Essays III. 2.). Meantime, we thank you (SHAKSP., Haml. 2, 2.). Everywhere Fable and Truth have shed . . Each her peculiar influence (ROGERS, It., Naples.). Then all advanced (ib., An Advent.). . Now, I saw the damp lying on the bare hedges (DICKENS, Gr. Expectat. 1, 3.). Thus Beelzebub Pleaded (Milt., P. L. 2, 378.). Round he spun (BYRON, Siege 27.). Freely ye have received, freely give (Matth. 10, 8.). Haply thy voice may rouse her (TALFOURD, Ion 2, 2.). Modaladverbien begegnen seltener; Satzadverbien, welche Versicherungen u. dgl. enthalten, kommen natürlich öfter vor.

Altengl. There thou myghtest here bere (Alis. 3417.). Per heo leien stille (Lazam. III. 44.). Hider þe kaisere us sent (II. 449.). Forth hey wente (Rich. C. DE L. 619.). Forf he gon liden (Lazam. I. 432.). Erly he ariseth (Alis. 4068.). Sone hit ginneth tende (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 135.). Sone heo hit bi-wunne (Lazam. II. 98.). Here-to-fore' ye haveth herd etc. (Alis. 6018.). Afterward he was lad in to a gardyn (Maundev. p. 14.). Thus we carpeth (Wright, Polit. S. p. 149 ). Wel gerne be him bi-thoute (Anecd. p. 3.). Faire he hire grette (p. 6.). Ful evele I fare (p. 7.). Wel Alisaunder hit undurstood (Alis. 4235.). Ful mildeliche therto thou bowe (Wrigot A. Halliw., Rel. Ant. I. 48.). Adun he warp þe dede swin (Laļam. III. 31.). Nu we mazen to zere careles wunien here (II. 96.). To-gadere heo weoren ibredde (II. 206.). Swa heo gunnen wenden (II. 153.). Faire heo hine igrætten (ib.) etc. Ags. se hâlga hêht his heorð verod væpna onfôn (Cædm. 2034.). Seldom heo badian volde (Beda 4, 19.). Oft ic sceal við væge vinnan (Cod. Eson. 398, 1.). Simle þu bist hâlig (25, 22.). Næfre him deáð sceded (203, 23.). Nu ic eov sende (Math. 10, 16.). Git he leofað (Gen. 43, 28.). Säre ic väs mid sorgum gedréfed (Grein, Ags. P. II. 145.). Vel þu spräcst (Deuter. 1, 14.). Sôtlice

se vyrhta ys vyrde hys metes (Math. 10, 10.) etc. 3. Sebr gewöhnlich ist die Einschiebung des Adverb zwischen Subjekt

und Verb, so dass das Adverb sich dem Verb meist unmittelbar anschliesst. Diese Stellung wird namentlich temporalen und modalen Adverbien, wie auch kausalen Partikeln gegeben,

We since became the slaves to one man's lust (Ben Jons., Sejan. 1, 1.). The moon then shone very bright (FIELD., J. Andr. 1, 12.). He always rides a black galloway (Bulw., Money 1, 2.). He yet continues there, as handsome and as gallant as ever (COOPER, Spy 4.). We sometimes find it where we had least thoughts of it (Dougl. JERROLD, Rent. Day 2, 1.). Mr. Oldbuck immediately rose (SCOTT, Antiqu. 3.). It now seemed probable etc. (Macaul., Hist. of E. VIII. 3.). He first summoned Bath (II. 25.). Charles early showed a taste for that art (Essays V. 4.). He soon found a kind and munificent patron (i.). The old people of the neighbourhood still remember etc. (IV. 4.). To foreigners he often seemed churlish (Hist. of E. III. 3.). We no longer believe in St. Edmund (Carl., Past a. Pres. 3, 1.). He never knew adversity (LEWES, G. I. 17.). What so moves thee

case

all at once? (COLER., Picc. 1, 4.). They only served to mark the entrance to some narrow close (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.). Their polity naturally took the same form (MACAUL., Hist. of E. 1. 28.). The rebels arcordingly proceeded to Wells (II. 170.). He scornfully thrust aside .. all that black letter learning (IV. 31.). We readily acknowledge etc. (Essays III. 1.). Genoa, also, . . yielded but little scope for enterprise on shore (Irving, Columb. 1, 2.). The study, therefore, of lays .. must in every

possess considerable interest (Scott, Ministrelsy I. 14.).

Diese Einfügung entspricht ältestem häufigen Brauche. Altengl. A wynd þer com þo in þe see (R. of Gl. p. 367.). Mony stede ther proudly leop (Alis. 3413.). The foles herte tho gan sprynge (3075.). The vesselle . . that evermore droppeth watre (Maundev. p. 15.). His craft he tus kišey (Wright A. Halliw., Rel. Ant. I. 211.). Neptanabus sore is anoyed (Alis. 129.). He spedly brennith, and sleth (3451.) All þe follc pær ute stod (Orm 141.). Er we heonne wenden (Ladan. I. 67.). Walisclond þat zet stond a mire hond (III. 294.). þa heo togadere hafden ispeken (III. 238.). Þa he pus hafde idon (11I. 240.). Heo wisliche andswerden (II. 153.). Heo hine leofliche biheold (1. 354.). 3i Du dost batt ifell iss, annd opennlike gilltesst (ORM 5144.). Ags. Þenden þu hêr leofast (CÆDM. 932.). Svâ hi edsten hider on þysne sîð sendeð (552.). Se esne hig hâmveard lædde (Gen. 24, 61.). Heó þá þäs ofätes ät (596.). He þân vêpende .. grêtte . . (ANDR. 59.). Þær beó siffan fort on þînre mildheortnesse môte vunian (Ps. 142, 12.) Ic eron nyste (Ev. Nicod. 12.). He eft âvacenede Beda 5, 12) Seó [sc. âdl] däghvamlice veox (4, 30.). Heó lange ne týmde ((Gen. 30, 9). þäs ge fägre sceolon leán mid leofum lange brûcan (CYNEVOLF, Crist 1361. Grein). Me þîn se gôda gâst gleáve lædde (Ps. 142, 11.). þá þe deoplicost dryhtnes geryno .. reccan cúðon (Elene 281.). Das Ags. gestattet ersichtlich diese Stellung in

viel weiterer Ausdehnung als die jüngere Sprache. 4. Sätze, in denen Hülfszeitwörter oder modale Zeitwörter mit ergänzen

dem Particip oder Infinitiv auftreten, oder be mit einer prädikativen Bestimmung konstruirt wird, lassen häufig dem auxiliaren oder modalen Verb das Adverb folgen, welches alsdann dem Begriffe näher oder zunächst tritt, auf welchen es wesentlich bezogen ist.

Nor is the passion any where 80 strongly felt (SHAFTESBURY, Characterist. I. 95.). Information of this correspondence was carried to Richelieu (HUME, Hist. of E. 50.).' The English sovereigns had always been entrusted with the supreme direction of cominercial police (MACAUL., Hist, of E. 1. 62.). The desired article was immediately produced (COOPER, Spy 3.). The assertion is indignantly contradicted by his son (Irving, Columb. 1, 2.). Their language was every where nearly the same (HUME, Hist. of E. 2.). War was not only his passion, but his trade (MOTLEY, Rise of the D. Rep. 1, 2.). They have therein out gone Their own great wisdoms (Ben Jons., Sejan. 1, 2.). The conversation we have now bad (DIAL. OF THE DEAD 1.). We have quietly closed our eyes to the eternal substance of things (CARL., Past a Pres. 3, 1.). You'll always have somebody to sit with you (DICKENS,

80on

Pickw. 1, 12.). He should go into the army, and practically learn soldiering (CARL., Fred, the Gr. 5, 5.). So much of treason did William of Orange already contemplate (MOTLEY, Rise of the D. Rep. 2, 9.).

Altengl. There he was first examyned (Maundev. p. 13.). Þis consel was wel yherd (R. Of Gl. p. 156.). How heo were first arered (I. 7.). Darie was ful sore anoyed (Alis. 4158.). His mug is get untrewe (Wright A. Halliw. I. 211.). That wes ever his wone (I. 109.). Hit schal beo ful deore abought (Alis, 4154.). I bave often tyme seen it (MAUNDEV. p. 14.). Sal he nevere luken te lides (WRIGHT A. Halliw., Rel. Ant. I. 209.). He beot to gadere icumene (Lazam. I. 20.). Nes he neuere iboren (III. 6.). Þat was ufele idon (III. 11.). He wass, wiss to fulle 80p, zehaten Zacarize (Orm 111.). Drihhtin haffde þanne sett etc (1945.). He schall newenn cumenn forý (331.). þat heo sculden somed faren (Lazam. III. 21.). Þe king . . dæð þe ful wel to witen (II. 12). Ags. He ne väs nähvar fundon (Apollon. Of T. p. 6.). Þær vās vộp vera vide gehậred (Andr. 1554).

1554). Þät yldum väs lange behŷded (ELENE 791.). Bið foldan dæl fägre gegierved (Grein, Ags. P. II. 383.). þu bist þonne se ilca (Ps. 101, 24.). Habbað ve ealle svâ for pînum leásungum lyðre gefêred (Cænm. II. 61. Grein). Þá ve sceolon symle âcvellan (A.-S. HOMIL. I. 138.).

Se fäder þôhte hvam he hî mihte heálicost forgifan (APOLLON. OF T. p. 1.). 5. Dient das Adverb überhaupt entschieden dazu einen einzelnen Begriff,

wie ein Adjektiv oder Adverb, zu bestimmen, so steht es in der Regel vor demselben.

With most painefull pangs (SPENS., F. Qu. 3, 11, 8.). One state .. 80 excellently best (DONNE, Sat. 2, 3.). I think it very insulting (BOURCICAULT, Lond. Assur. 4, 1.). Perhaps I am too grave (Bulw., Richel. 2, 1.). The anxiouly expected intelligence (Dickens, Pickw. 2, 20.). Some soon gotten stuff (DONNE, Sat. 6, 19.). That ever glorious, almost fatal fray (BYRON p. 319.). The daughter of a once dear friend (BULW., Money 2, 3.). The marriage will take place almost immediately (3, 2.). There were only two persons in the room (Devereux 5, 3.) etc. Das Adverb enough steht dagegen mit seltenen Ausnahmen nach dem dadurch bestimmten Begriffe: You are old enough (SHA KSP., Rich. II. 3, 2.). Every body lets him alone enough (DICKENS, Oliv. Twist 5.). Doch auch: Were enough noble (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 4, 1.). My health is quite enough restored (KINGSLEY, Two Years ago 2, 1.). Umgekehrt treten andere Bestimmungen nach: Finding in the lowest depth a deeper still (DICKENS, Oliv. Twist 2.), wie dies überhaupt mit Adverbien der Fall ist, welche, aus ihrer Beziehung zu einem einzelnen Begriffe abgelöst, auf das Prädikat überhaupt übertragen werden, und daher auch jede andere Stelle einnehmen können: I have only been six days at Petersburgh (Bulw., Dever. 5, 2.).

Zu dieser Stellung neigt die Sprache zu aller Zeit. Altengl. A wel god lond (R. Of Gl. p. 1.). Þat ys somdel grete (p. 8.). Suythe þycke man he was (p. 377.). Hi ne beoth nozt ful grete (Wright, Pop. Treat. p. 139.). Nozt alle iliche gode (ib.). Theiben covenably large (Maundev. P. 49.). Ffull prevyly they pluckud thy power awey (Depos. OF Rich. II. p. 6.). Zef ziues swite gode (LABAM. II. 4). Heo beod Jul deore aboht (II, 97.). Cnihtes toel idone (II. 93.).

Leouuede wel longe (II. 1.). Ags. Væron svöðe gesælige (Cædm. 17.). bonne he ôter lîf eft gesêceð, mycele fägerre land (Cædm. II. 212. Grein). Þe pînes síðes hêr ful bealdlice bîdad (Ps. 68, 7.). Ne ful geare cûðon . . gesecggan (Elene 167.). Fuf oft mec gesíðas sendað äfter bondom (Grein, Ags. P. II. 384.). Gif hie svå sviđe synna fremmat (Cædm. 2406.). Ne fare ze feort (Exod. 8, 28.). Doch finden wir auch die Nachstellung von Adverbien: Is þes änga stede ungelic sviðe þam ôðrum (Cædm. 355.). pät.. þîn môdsefa mara vurde and pîn lîchoma leóhtra micle (500 sq.). Das adverbiale enough tritt, gleich dem unbestimmten Fürworte, gerne nach. Altengl. The ezen iclosed faire ynou (Wright, Pop. Treat. p. 140.). Lihhtlike mibhte annd wel inoh þa seffne innsezzless oppnenn (ORN, Ded. 283.). Doch auch Ags. Genôh longe gevunedon

on pisse dủne (Deuter. 1, 6.). 6. Was insbesondere das verneinende Adverb not betrifft, so schliesst es

sich im Allgemeinen als Satznegation der Personalform des Verb nachfolgend an; dagegen tritt es als Negation eines einzelnen Satzgliedes oder Begriffes diesem voran.

Im ersten Falle steht es theils unmittelbar nach der Personalform in behaupt nden, fragenden und befehlenden Sätzen: I eat not lords (SHAKSP., Tim. 1. 1.). She left not her mistress so easy (FIELD., J. Andr. 1, 9.). I know not (Bulw., Rienzi 2, 3.). He cometh not (Tennyson p. 10.). He has not filled up your place in the household (Scott, Pirate 2). Who does not wish for freedom? (Mrs. CENTLIVRE, The Wonder 1, 1.). Say not ye, There are yet four months, and than cometh harvest? (JOHN, 4, 35.). Has not be seen Pharsalia ? (ADDIS., Cato 4, 4.) Did not you see me in that odious light? (Dial. OF THE Dead 1.). Make not thy voyage long (LONGFELLOW I. 142.). Vex not thou the poet's mind (TENNYSON p. 41.). Trust not me (MARLOWE, Jew of M. 5, 4.). Yield not me the praise (TENNYS. p. 242.), theils gestattet es dem Pronominalobjekte und selbst anderen Objekten, wenn diese von der Personalform cines Vollwortes abhangen, so wie dem Pronominals u bjekte in der invertirten Satzform den Vortritt: If the devil dress her 'not (SHAKSP., Ant. a. Cleop. 5, 2.). It boots me not to threat (MARLOWE, Edw. II. 1, 4.). His own received him not (JOHN 1, 11.). I heard him not (ROGERS, It., An Advent.). This world .. Contents us not (Pope, Essay on M. 4, 131.). How came ye to know That the Count Galas joins us not? (COLER., Picc. 1, 1.). Therefore suff red I thee not to touch her (Gen. 20, 6.). With his dark renown, Cumber our birth-place not! (Mrs. HEMANS p. 21.) Auch kann der Objektskasus vom Infinitiv abhangen: My dull eyes can fix thee not (BYRON, Manfr. 3, 4.) neben: He will want not our aid to bang himself (Bulw., Rienzi 3, 1.). Shall they not both fall into the ditch ? (LUKE 6, 39.) Art thou not guilty? (Rogers, It., Foscari.) Why may I not . . Release her from a thraldom worse than death? (ib., An Advent.) Was it not dropt from heaven? (ib., Naples.)

Die Stellung des not zwischen Subjekt und Personalform des Verb

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