Page images
PDF
EPUB

All wisdom centres there (YOUNG, N. Th. 4, 484.). Thou led'st me here (BYRON, Bride 2, 11.). He is above, sir (SHERID., Riv. 2, 1.). Feversham followed them thither (MACAUL., Hist. of E. II. 167.). I'll be wise hereafter (SHAKSP., Temp. 5, 1.). My life is spann'd already (Henry VIII. 1, 2.). This custom of shaving is not. . much wanted now (BULW., Dever. 5, 2.). This sort of injury is felt very early (Scott, Minstr. I. 19.). It is even so (CARLYLE, Past a. Pres. 3, 1.). The siege was pressed more closely! (MOTLEY, Rise of the D. Rep. 2, 9.) I will go instantly (BULW., Lady of L. 1, 3.). Oliver cried lustily (DICKENS, Ol. Twist.) etc. So auch in der Participialkonstruktion: These injuries having been comforted externally etc. (DICKENS, M. Chuzzlew. 1, 2.). Doch kann sich das Adverb vor anderen Bestimmungen an das Verb, aber auch mit seinem Pronominalobjekte und selbst mit einem anderen Objekte, lehnen: He heard again the language of his nursery (MACAUL., Hist. of E. VI. 116.). The volume before us reminds us now and then of the life of Cicero (MACAUL., Essays III. 5.). You may cast your eye slightly on What you have before you (SHAFTESBURY, Characterist. I. 1.). You always put things so pleasantly (BULW., Money 3, 4.).

Altengl. We shall abide you here (Town. M. p. 38.). And smyte eyper oper her & per (R. OF GL. p. 185.). He welde pat riche hær (Lazam. I. 165.). pe fullunt broute hider in (I. 2.). It lay there 200 zeer (MAUNDEV. p. 12.). Thurfte him noht seke tresor so fer, he mihte finde ner (WRIGHT, Polit. S. p. 338.). Thus farith al the world nuthe (p. 202.). As ych seyde er (R. or GL. p. 85.). Hit is byfalle 80 (Wright a. HaLLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 122.). It is not so (MAUNDEV. p. 10.). Had ze do duly (DEPOS. OF RICH. II. p. 8.). 3if we henen fare pus (Lazam. I. 248.). Eneas nom Lauine leofliche to wife (I. 8.sq.). Ags. pe me mid his earmum vorhte her mid handum sînum (CÆDм. 541.). Vand him up panon (444.). God geseah pá þät hit gôd väs (GEN. 1, 4.). He ârâs sona (19, 1.). On vorulda voruld vunie syððan (Ps. 103, 29). Adræf þâ hâtheortnysse fram þînre sâvle hrade (BASIL., Admon. 5.). Se sôofästa symble on drihten blissa baldlice (Ps. 63, 9).

2. Wir haben bereits gesehen (s. S 565.), wie das an die Spitze des Satzes tretende Adverb, bei der Inversion des Subjektes, sich näher an das Satzverb reihet. Daneben ist aber auch seine Abscheidung von demselben durch das Subjekt vielfach gebräuchlich. Erklärlich ist das Anheben mit dem interrogativen und relativen Adverb, mit der berührten Inversion in direkter Frage, ohne dieselbe, im indirekten Fragesatz und im Relativsatze. Darin stimmt das Englische mit vielen älteren und neueren Sprachen überein. Auch werden die als Konjunktionen gebräuchlichen Adverbien natürlich meist an der Spitze des Satzes ohne Inversion des Subjektes gefunden. Aber auch andere lokale, temporale, modale etc. Adverbien treten an diese Stelle. Here we are at Lyons (BULW., Lady of L. 5, 1.). grammar (IRVING, Columb. 1, 1.). Thither he plies 954.). There you are wrong (BULW., Money 1, 1.).

Here he studied (MILT., P. L. 2, There he stood

Erly he ariseth

(SCOTT, Monast. Introd.). Down I went (TENNYS. p. 91.). Once again we'll sleep secure (SHAKSP., I Henry VI. 3, 2.). Hence it is etc. (MACAUL., Essays III. 2.). Meantime, we thank you (SHAKSP., Haml. 2, 2.). Everywhere Fable and Truth have shed. . Each her peculiar influence (ROGERS, It., Naples.). Then all advanced (ib., An Advent.). Now, I saw the damp lying on the bare hedges (DICKENS, Gr. Expectat. 1, 3.). Thus Beelzebub Pleaded (MILT., P. L. 2, 378.). Round he spun (BYRON, Siege 27.). Freely ye have received, freely give (MATTH. 10, 8.). Haply thy voice may rouse her (TALFourd, Ion 2, 2.). Modaladverbien begegnen seltener; Satzadverbien, welche Versicherungen u. dgl. enthalten, kommen natürlich öfter vor. Altengl. There thou myghtest here bere (ALIS. 3417.). Per heo leien stille (LAZAM. III. 44.). Hider pe kaisere us sent (II. 449.). Forth hey wente (RICH. C. DE L. 619.). For he gon liden (Lazam. I. 432.). (ALIS. 4068.). Sone hit ginneth tende (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 135.). Sone heo hit bi-wunne (LAZAM. II. 98.). Here-to-fore ye haveth herd etc. (ALIS. 6018.). Afterward he was lad in to a gardyn (MAUNDEV. p. 14.). Thus we carpeth (WRIGHT, Polit. S. p. 149). Wel zerne he him bi-thoute (Anecd. p. 3.). Faire he hire grette (p. 6.). Ful evele I fare (p. 7.). Wel Alisaunder hit undurstood (ALIS. 4235.). Ful mildeliche therto thou bowe (Wright a. Halliw., Rel. Ant. I. 48). Adun he warp pe dede swin (LAZAM. III. 31.). Nu we mazen to zere careles wunien here (II. 96.). To-gadere heo weoren ibredde (II. 206.). Swa heo gunnen wenden (II. 153.). Faire heo hine igrætten (ib.) etc. Ags. pa se hâlga hêht his heordverod væpna onfôn (CÆDм. 2034.). Seldom heó baðian volde (BEDA 4, 19.). Oft ic sceal við væge vinnan (COD. EXON. 398, 1.). Simle pu bist hâlig (25, 22.). Næfre him deáð sceded (203, 23.). Nu ic eóv sende (MATH. 10, 16.). Git he leofao (GEN. 43, 28.). Sare ic väs mid sorgum gedrêfed (GREIN, Ags. P. II. 145.). Vel pu spräcst (DEUTER. 1, 14.). Sôolice se vyrhta ys vyrðe hys metes (MATH. 10, 10.) etc.

3. Sehr gewöhnlich ist die Einschiebung des Adverb zwischen Subjekt und Verb, so dass das Adverb sich dem Verb meist unmittelbar anschliesst. Diese Stellung wird namentlich temporalen und modalen Adverbien, wie auch kausalen Partikeln gegeben.

We since became the slaves to one man's lust (BEN JONS., Sejan. 1, 1.). The moon then shone very bright (FIELD., J. Andr. 1, 12.). He always rides a black galloway (BULw., Money 1, 2.). He yet continues there, as handsome and as gallant as ever (COOPER, Spy 4.). We sometimes find it where we had least thoughts of it (DOUGL. JERROLD, Rent. Day 2, 1.). Mr. Oldbuck immediately rose (SCOTT, Antiqu. 3.). It now seemed probable etc. (MACAUL., Hist. of E. VIII. 3.). He first summoned Bath (II. 25.). Charles early showed a taste for that art (Essays V. 4.). He soon found a kind and munificent patron (i). The old people of the neighbourhood still remember etc. (IV. 4.). To foreigners he often seemed churlish (Hist. of E. III. 3.). We no longer believe in St. Edmund (CARL., Past a. Pres. 3, 1.). He never knew adversity (LEWES, G. I. 17.). What so moves thee

all at once? (COLER., Picc. 1, 4.). They only served to mark the entrance to some narrow close (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.). Their polity naturally took the same form (MACAUL., Hist. of E. 1. 28.). The rebels accordingly proceeded to Wells (II. 170.). He scornfully thrust aside.. all that black letter learning (IV. 31.). We readily acknowledge etc. (Essays III. 1.). Genoa, also,.. yielded but little scope for enterprise on shore (IRVING, Columb. 1, 2.). The study, therefore, of

lays.. must in every case possess considerable interest (SCOTT,

Ministrelsy I. 14.).

Diese Einfügung entspricht ältestem häufigen Brauche. Altengl. A wynd per com po in þe see (R. OF GL. p. 367.). Mony stede ther proudly leop (ALIS. 3413.). The foles herte tho gan sprynge (3075.). The vesselle.. that evermore droppeth watre (MAUNDEV. p. 15). His craft he dus kioed (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 211.). Neptanabus sore is anoyed (ALIS. 129.). He spedly brennith, and sleth (3451.) All pe follc pær ute stod (ORM 141.). Er we heonne wenden (LAZAM. I. 67.). Walisclond þat zet stond a mire hond (III. 294.). pa heo togadere hafden ispeken (III. 238.). pa he pus hafde idon (III. 240.). Heo wisliche andswerden (II. 153.). Heo hine leofliche biheold (1. 354.). Ziff þu dost patt ifell iss, annd opennlike gilltesst (ORM 5144.). Ags. Þenden þu hér leofast (CÆDм. 932.). Svâ hi eásten hider on þysne sîð sendeð (552.). Se esne hig hâmveard lædde (GEN. 24, 61.). Heó på päs ofätes ät (596.). He pâ vêpende. . grêtte .. (ANDR. 59.). þær heó siðan ford on pinre mildheortnesse môte vunian (Ps. 142, 12.) Ic æron nyste (Ev. NICOD. 12.). He eft âvacenede Bɛda 5, 12) Seó [sc. âdl] däghvamlice veox (4, 30.). Heó lange ne tŷmde ((GEN. 30, 9). þãs ge fägre sceolon leán mid leófum lange brûcan (CYNEVULF, Crist 1361. Grein). Me pîn se gôda gâst gleave lædde (Ps. 142, 11.). pâ pe deóplicost dryhtnes geryno.. reccan cûdon (ELENE 281.). Das Ags. gestattet ersichtlich diese Stellung in viel weiterer Ausdehnung als die jüngere Sprache.

4. Sätze, in denen Hülfszeitwörter oder modale Zeitwörter mit ergänzendem Particip oder Infinitiv auftreten, oder be mit einer prädikativen Bestimmung konstruirt wird, lassen häufig dem auxiliaren oder modalen Verb das Adverb folgen, welches alsdann dem Begriffe näher oder zunächst tritt, auf welchen es wesentlich bezogen ist.

Nor is the passion any where so strongly felt (SHAFTESBURY, Characterist. I. 95.). Information of this correspondence was soon carried to Richelieu (HUME, Hist. of E. 50.). The English sovereigns had always been entrusted with the supreme direction of commercial police (MACAUL., Hist. of E. 1. 62.). The desired article was immediately produced (COOPER, Spy 3.). The assertion is indignantly contradicted by his son (IRVING, Columb. 1, 2.). Their language was every where nearly the same (HUME, Hist. of E. 2.). War was not only his passion, but his trade (MOTLEY, Rise of the D. Rep. 1, 2.). They have therein out gone Their own great wisdoms (BEN JONS., Sejan. 1, 2.). The conversation we have now had (DIAL. OF THE DEAD 1.). We have quietly closed our eyes to the eternal substance of things (CARL., Past a Pres. 3, 1.). You'll always have somebody to sit with you (DICKens,

Pickw. 1, 12.). He should go into the army, and practically learn soldiering (CARL., Fred. the Gr. 5, 5.). So much of treason did William of Orange already contemplate (MOTLEY, Rise of the D. Rep. 2, 9.).

ful sore anoyed (ALIS. 4158.).

Altengl. There he was first examyned (MAUNDEV. p. 13.). pis consel was wel yherd (R. OF GL. p. 156.). How heo were first arered (I. 7.). Darie was His mus is get untrewe (WRIGHT A. HALLIW. I. 211.). That wes ever his wone (I. 109.). Hit schal beo ful deore abought (ALIS. 4154.). I have often tyme seen it (MAUNDEV. p. 14.). Sal he nevere luken de lides (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 209.). He beod to gadere icumene (LAZAM. I. 20). Nes he neuere iboren (III. 6.). þat was ufele idon (III. 11.). He wass, wiss to fulle sop, zehaten Zacarize (ORм 111.). Drihhtin haffde panne sett etc (1945.). He schall newenn cumenn forp (331.). þat heo sculden somed faren (LAZAM. III. 21.). pe king.. dæo pe ful wel to witen (II. 12). Ags. He ne väs nåhvar fundon (APOLLON. OF T. p. 6.). Þær väs vôp vera vide gehŷred (ANDR. 1554). þät yldum vås lange behŷded (ELENE 791.). Bio foldan dæl fägre gegierved (GREIN, Ags. P. II. 383.). Du bist ponne se ilca (Ps. 101, 24.). Habbað ve ealle svâ for pînum leásungum lyðre gefêred (СÆDм. II. 61. Grein). pâ ve sceolon symle âcvellan (A.-S. HOMIL. I. 138.). Se fäder pôhte hvam he hî mihte heálicost forgifan (APOLLON. OF T. p. 1.). 5. Dient das Adverb überhaupt entschieden dazu einen einzelnen Begriff, wie ein Adjektiv oder Adverb, zu bestimmen, so steht es in der Regel vor demselben.

With most painefull pangs (SPENS., F. Qu. 3, 11, 8.). One state.. so excellently best (DONNE, Sat. 2, 3.). I think it very insulting (BOURCICAULT, Lond. Assur. 4, 1.). Perhaps I am too grave (BULW., Richel. 2, 1.). The anxiouly expected intelligence (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.). Some soon gotten stuff (DONNE, Sat. 6, 19.). That ever glorious, almost fatal fray (BYRON p. 319.). The daughter of a once dear friend (BULW., Money 2, 3.). The marriage will take place almost immediately (3, 2.). There were only two persons in the room (Devereux 5, 3.) etc. Das Adverb enough steht dagegen mit seltenen Ausnahmen nach dem dadurch bestimmten Begriffe: You are old enough (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 3, 2.). Every body lets him alone enough (DICKENS, Oliv. Twist 5.). Doch auch: Were enough noble (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 4, 1.). My health is quite enough restored (KINGSLEY, Two Years ago 2, 1.). Umgekehrt treten andere Bestimmungen nach: Finding in the lowest depth a deeper still (DICKENS, Oliv. Twist 2.), wie dies überhaupt mit Adverbien der Fall ist, welche, aus ihrer Beziehung zu einem einzelnen Begriffe abgelöst, auf das Prädikat überhaupt übertragen werden, und daher auch jede andere Stelle einnehmen können: I have only been six days at Petersburgh (BULW., Dever. 5, 2.).

Zu dieser Stellung neigt die Sprache zu aller Zeit. Altengl. A wel god lond (R. OF GL. p. 1.). þat ys somdel grete (p. 8.). Suythe pycke man he was (p. 377.). Hi ne beoth not ful grete (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 139.). Nozt alle iliche gode (ib.). Thei ben covenably large (MAUNDEV. p. 49.). Ffull prevyly they pluckud thy power awey (DEPOS. OF RICH. II. p. 6.). Zef ziues swide gode (LAZAM. II. 4.). Heo beod ful deore aboht (II. 97.). Cnihtes wel idone (II. 93.).

Leouuede wel longe (II. 1.). Ags. Væron svide gesælige (CEDM. 17.). ponne he ôter lîf eft gesêced, mycele fägerre land (CÆDм. II. 212. Grein). De pînes sides her ful bealdlice bîdad (Ps. 68, 7.). Ne ful geare cuton .. . gesecggan (ELENE 167.). Fuf oft mec gesîðas sendað äfter hondom (GREIN, Ags. P. II. 384.). Gif hie svá sviðe synna fremmað (CEDM. 2406.): Ne fare e tô feorr (EXOD. 8, 28.). Doch finden wir auch die Nachstellung von Adverbien: Is þes änga stede ungelic svive þam ôorum (CEDм. 355.). þät.. þîn môdsefa mâra vurde and pîn lichoma leóhtra micle (500 sq.). Das adverbiale enough tritt, gleich dem unbestimmten Fürworte, gerne nach. Altengl. The ezen iclosed faire ynou (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 140.). Lihhtlike mihhte annd wel inoh pa seffne innsezzless oppnenn (ORм, Ded. 283.). Doch auch Ags. Genôh longe gevunedon on pisse dûne (DEUTER. 1, 6.).

6. Was insbesondere das verneinende Adverb not betrifft, so schliesst es sich im Allgemeinen als Satznegation der Personalform des Verb nachfolgend an; dagegen tritt es als Negation eines einzelnen Satzgliedes oder Begriffes diesem voran.

Im ersten Falle steht es theils unmittelbar nach der Personalform in behauptenden, fragenden und befehlenden Sätzen: I eat not lords (SHAKSP., Tim. 1. 1.). She left not her mistress so easy (FIELD., J. Andr. 1, 9.). I know not (BULW., Rienzi 2, 3.). He cometh not (TENNYSON p. 10.). He has not filled up your place in the household (SCOTT, Pirate 2). Who does not wish for freedom? (MRS. CENTLIVRE, The Wonder 1, 1.). Say not ye, There are yet four months, and than cometh harvest? (JOHN, 4, 35.). Has not he seen Pharsalia? (ADDIS., Cato 4, 4.) Did not you see me in that odious light? (DIAL. OF THE DEAD 1.). Make not thy voyage long (LONGFELLOW I. 142.). Vex not thou the poet's mind (TENNYSON p. 41.). Trust not me (MARLOWE, Jew of M. 5, 4.). Yield not me the praise (TENNYS. p. 242.), theils gestattet es dem Pronominalobjekte und selbst anderen Objekten, wenn diese von der Personalform (ines Vollwortes abhangen, so wie dem Pronominalsubjekte in der invertirten Satzform den Vortritt: If the devil dress her not (SHAKSP., Ant. a. Cleop. 5, 2.). It boots me not to threat (MARLOWE, Edw. II. 1, 4.). His own received him not (JOHN 1, 11.). I heard him not (ROGERS, It., An Advent.). This world.. Contents us not (POPE, Essay on M. 4, 131.). How came ye to know That the Count Galas joins us not? (COLER., Picc. 1, 1.). Therefore suffered I thee not to touch her (GEN. 20, 6.). With his dark renown, Cumber our birth-place not! (MRS. HEMANS p. 21.) Auch kann der Objektskasus vom Infinitiv abhangen: My dull eyes can fix thee not (BYRON, Manfr. 3, 4.) neben: He will want not our aid to hang himself (BULW., Rienzi 3, 1.). Shall they not both fall into the ditch? (LUKE 6, 39.) Art thou not guilty? (ROGERS, lt., Foscari.) Why may I not.. Release her from a thraldom worse than death? (ib., An Advent.) Was it not dropt from heaven? (ib., Naples.)

Die Stellung des not zwischen Subjekt und Personalform des Verb

« PreviousContinue »