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WILLIAM B. REED.

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WILLIAM B. REED.

Every member of congress from this state, with one or two exceptions, sustained the prohibition of slavery on the ground of its consistency with Pennsylvania principles; and in their course, let it be remembered, they were cheered and encouraged by the positive and peremptory instructions of the legislature. Those instructions are now before me, and I submit a portion of them to the consideration of the House, as being a renewed expression of the opinions of 1780. They form a link between the principles contained in the act of abolition, and one other legislative precedent of a later date, presently to be referred to.-These resolutions were passed on the 22d of December, 1819.

"The senate and house of representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, whilst they cherish the right of the individual states to express their opinions upon all public measures proposed in the congress of the Union, are aware that its usefulness must, in a great degree, depend upon the discretion with which it is exercised; they believe that the right ought not to be resorted to, upon trivial subjects or unimportant occasions; but they are also persuaded, that there are moments when the neglect to exercise it would be a dereliction of public duty.

"Such an occasion as in their judgment demands the frank expression of the sentiments of Pennsylvania, is now presented.

"Under these convictions, and in the full persuasion that upon this topic there is but one opinion in Pennsylvania,

"Resolved, That the senators and representatives of this state in the congress of the United States be, and they are hereby requested to vote against the admission of any territory, as a state, into the Union, unless the further introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude, except the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be prohibited, and all children born within the said territory, after its admission into the Union as a state, shall be free.""

The last precedent to which I shall refer the House on this subject, is the resolu tion of the 23d of January, 1829, relative to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, which instructed our senators and representatives to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, in such a manner as they may consider consistent with the rights of individuals, and the constitution of the United States. You, Mr. Speaker, will recollect this resolution. It received nearly the unanimous sanction of both branches of the legislature. Such, then, are the recorded sentiments, the voluntary and unsolicited expressions of Pennsylvania legislation on this subject of domestic slavery, as a matter of national, as well as municipal concern, and the question recurs whether at this late hour of invigorated philanthropy and intelligence, when we are forced, as has been shown, to the utterance of our sentiments, we shall disavow these cherished opinions. If the swords of the Texians should win for them an existence independent of Mexico, it must necessarily be so precarious, that application for admission into our Union would follow as a measure of necessary self-defence. One of the complaints made by the Texians is that the Mexican government will not permit the introduction of slaves, and one of the first fruits of independence and secure liberty (unnatural as is the paradox) will be the extension of slavery, and both the domestic and foreign slave-trade, over the limits of a territory large enough to form five states as large as Pennsylvania. Such being the result, what becomes of any real or imaginary balance between the South and the North-the slaveholding and non-slaveholding interests? Five or more slaveholding states, with their additional representation, thoroughly imbued with southern feeling, thoroughly attached to what the South Carolina resolutions, now before us, call "the patriarchal institution of domestic slavery," added to the Union, and where is the security of the North, and of the interests of free labor?-These are questions worth considering the more so, as the war fever which is now burning in the veins of this community, and exhibiting itself in all the usual unreflecting expressions of sympathy and resentment, has disturbed the judgment of the nation, and distorted every notion of right and wrong. Let the Texians win independence as they can. That is their affair, not ours. But let no statesman that loves his country think of admitting such an increment of slaveholding population into this Union. He (Mr. R.) could not but fear that there

was a deep laid plan to admit Texas into the Union; with a view to an increase of slaveholding representation in congress; and while he viewed it, in connexion with the growing indifference perceptible in some quarters, he could not but feel melancholy forebodings.-Speech in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, June 11th, 1836.

The following document, considering the avouched character of the gentlemen whose names are signed to it, and attest its truth, is entitled to a place in our columns:-National Intelligencer.

TO THE PUBLIC.

The undersigned deem it an act of justice, not to themselves alone, but to the community of which they are members, more especially to those whose generous sympathies were so deeply enlisted in the cause of Texas, to make known the causes which have induced them to abandon an enterprise in which they embarked with so many fond and flattering hopes. They would have been glad to have been spared this painful task. They take no pleasure in the performance of an act which may tend to check the universal current of kindness and sympathy which has been manifested by the people of Kentucky towards the people of Texas, from the beginning of their revolution down to the present time. They have too distinct a recollection of their own feelings when they quitted their homes, to aid the cause, as they then thought, of civil and religious freedom, not to know that their return and this brief expose of their motives which induced it, will cause a pang of mortification in many bosoms which now throb with exultation in the hope of Texian freedom. Nothing but a sense of duty-of the obligation which rests upon them to justify themselves to the world, could now impel them to expose the unhappy civil and political condition of Texas, to declare, as they now do, their solemn convictions of her total unworthiness of aid and sympathy. We might perhaps be content with this declaration of our opinions, but we will proceed briefly to fortify these opinions by a detail of facts.

We will not dwell upon the false assurances made to us by men professing to be the accredited agents of Texas in this country. At a time when the cause of Texas was dark and gloomy, when Santa Anna seemed designed to carry desolation over the whole country, those men were prodigal of promises, and professing to be authorized to speak in the name of the Texian Government, made assurances of ultimate remuneration, which they knew at the time to be false, and which time proved to be so.

We now state that our personal observation and undoubted information enabled us fully to perceive, 1st. That the present population of Texas seemed wholly incapable of a just idea of civil and political liberty, and that, so far as the extension of liberal principles is concerned, it is of but little moment whether Mexico or Texas succeed in the struggle.

2d. That the mass of the people, from the highest functionary of their pretended government to the humblest citizen (with but few exceptions), are animated alone by a desire of plunder, and appear totally indifferent whom they plunder, friends or foes. 3d. That even now there is really no organized government in the country, no laws administered, no judiciary, a perpetual struggle going on between the civil and military departments, and neither having the confidence of the people, or being worthy of it. We will here state one or two facts, which may tend to show the estimation in which they are respectively held by each other, and their capacity to enforce their orders. The Secretary of War came down with a quartermaster, and steamboat to carry his loading, consisting of provisions, clothing, &c., to the main army. Captain Switzer, volunteer emigrant from Ohio, who had lately arrived, wanted some clothing for his men, and determined that unless he was first supplied with such articles as he desired, the expedition should not proceed. He took possession of the fort under the command of Colonel Morgan, loaded the cannon, and prepared to fire on them, if they attempted to move without his permission. He then sent a file of men on board, and took the vessel in his own possession, and sent the honorable secretary, with his quartermaster and steamboat, back to Velasco! Again, the president and cabinet appointed General Lamar to the chief command

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of the army, the army promptly refused to receive him, and the power and authority of the cabinet were contemptuously disregarded. The army then doubtlessly after due deliberation, resolved that the cabinet was either corrupt or imbecile, (probably both,) and it being necessary, in their opinion, to get rid of them, determined to do so by a summary process. They therefore sent on an officer with instructions forthwith to arrest them, and bring them on to head quarters to be tried according to the military usage. This order, however, was not executed, simply because the officer charged with its execution had not the physical force requisite.

These facts and others sufficiently demonstrate to us that the cabinet was defi cient in all the requisites of a good government, and that no one in his senses would trust himself, his reputation, or his fortunes, to their charge or control. Charged with treason, bribery, and usurpations, weak in their councils, and still weaker in power to enforce their orders, we perceived at once that we must look for safety and proper inducements elsewhere. We then turned our eyes to the army, and a scene still more disheartening presented itself; undisciplined, and without an effort to become so; not a roll called, nor a drill; no regular encampment; no authority nor obedience; with plundering parties for self-emolument, robbing private indi viduals of their property. We could see nothing to induce us to embark our fortunes and destinies with them. With these views and facts, we could but sicken and wonder at the vile deceptions which had been practised upon us; yet we are told that this people had risen up in their might to vindicate the cause of civil and religious liberty. It is a mockery of the very name of liberty. They are stimulated by that motive which such men can only appreciate the hope of plunder. They are careless of the form of government under which they live, if that government will' tolerate licentiousness and disorder. Such is a brief, but, we sincerely believe, a faithful picture of a country to which we were invited with so much assiduity, and such the manner in which we were received and treated.

We might multiply facts in support of each proposition here laid down, to show the miserable condition of things in Texas, and the utter impossibility that a man of honor could embark in such a cause with such men. Should it be rendered necessary, we may yet do so; but for the present we will pause with this remark, that if there be any, now, in Kentucky, whose hearts are animated with the desire of an honorable fame, or to secure a competent settlement for themselves or families, they must look to some other theatre than the plains of Texas. We would say to them, Listen not to the deceitful and hypocritical allurements of LAND SPECULATORS, who wish you to fight for their benefit, and who are as liberal of promises as they are faithless in performance. We are aware of the responsibility which we incur by this course. We are aware that we subject ourselves to the misrepresentations of hired agents and unprincipled landmongers; but we are willing to meet it all, relying upon the integrity of our motives and the correctness of our course. We left our native land, our peaceful fireside, with a solemn resolution to devote our undivided energies to stop the course of Mexican desolation, and build up a free and flourishing commonwealth. The very fact of our going sufficiently indicates the depth and sincerity of our devotion to the cause. Our return, and the circumstances which caused it, equally proclaim our infatuation. That others may not be alike deluded, is an additional motive with us to make this publication.

EDWARD J. WILSON,
G. L. POSTLETHWAITE.

Lexington, Sept. 10, 1836.

NEW-YORK SUN.

Extract from General Houston's letter to General Dunlap, of Nashville— "For a portion of this force we must look to the United States. It cannot reach us There is but one feeling in Texas, in my opinion, and that is to establish the independence of Texas, and to be attached to the United States."

too soon.

Here, then, is an open avowal by the commander-in-chief of the Texian army, that American troops will be required to seize and sever this province of the Mexi

can republic, for the purpose of uniting it to ours; and this avowal is made by a distinguished American citizen, in the very face of that glorious constitution of his country, which wisely gives no power to its citizens for acquiring foreign territory by conquest, their own territory being more than amply sufficient to gratify any safe ambition; and in the face, too, of the following solemn and sacred contract of his country with the sister republic which he would dismember:

"There shall be a firm, inviolable, and universal peace, and a true and sincere friendship between the United States of America, and the United Mexican States, in all the extent of their possessions and territories, between their people and citizens respectively, without distinction of persons or places."

In the earlier days of our republic, when a high-minded and honorable fidelity to its constitution was an object proudly paramount to every mercenary consideration that might contravene it, an avowed design of this kind against the possessions of a nation with whom the United States were at peace, would have subjected its author, if a citizen, to the charge of high treason, and to its consequences. When Aaron Burr and his associates were supposed to meditate the conquest of Mexico, and attempted to raise troops in the southern states to achieve it, they were arrested for treason, and Burr, their chief, was tried for his life. But now, behold! the conquest of a part of the same country is an object openly proclaimed, not in the letters of General Houston alone, but by many of our wealthiest citizens at public banquets, and by the hireling presses in the chief cities of our Union. The annexation of a foreign territory to our own by foreign conquest, being thus unblushingly avowed, and our citizens, who are integral portions of our national sovereignty, being openly invited and incited to join the crusade with weapons of war, it becomes an interesting moral inquiry-what is there in the public mind to excuse or even to palliate so flagrant a prostitution of national faith and honor in these days, any more than in the days that are past? The answer is ready at hand, and is irrefutable. An extensive and well organized gang of swindlers in Texas lands, have raised the cry, and the standard of "Liberty!" and to the thrilling charm of this glorious word, which stirs the blood of a free people, as the blast of the bugle arouses every nerve of the warhorse, have the generous feelings of our citizens responded in ardent delusion. But, as the Commercial Advertiser truly declares, "Never was the Goddess of American Liberty invoked more unrighteously;" and we cannot but believe that the natural sagacity, good sense, and proud regard for their national honor, for which our citizens are distinguished in the eyes of all nations, will spedily rescue them from the otherwise degrading error in which that vile crew of mercenary, hypocritical swindlers would involve them. The artful deceivers, however, have not relied upon the generosity and noble sympathy only of our fellow citizens, for they insidiously presented a bribe to excite their cupidity also. They have not only falsely represented the Texian cause as one of pure, disinterested liberty and justice, as opposed to perfidious tyranny and cruel oppression, but they have themselves assumed something more than the liberty which they basely and hypocritically advocate, by impudently promising a fertile paradisiacal piece of Texian land, a mile square, to every American citizen and foreign emigrant, who will sally forth to capture it from the Mexican republic! Induced by one or both of these objects, many hundreds of our enterprising citizens left their own ample and unobjectionable country, to unite with Irish, English, and other foreign adventurers in a war, from the fullest success of which, only some six or eight land companies, who have fraudulently and audaciously monopolized the Texian territory, would gain an important benefit. And to this shrine of Mammon, concealed by the crowding banners of ostensible liberty, have many hundreds of our gallant youth been treacherously sacrificed-sacrificed by a mercenary treachery, compared to which, that exercised by Santa Anna, in defence of the republic of which he was president, was innocence and patriotism.

Had we in the Texians, a brave and injured people, struggling in the land of their birth, or even of their adoption, for those abstract and social rights of mankind which were the objects of our revolution, and which we obtained and enjoy, theirs would be a cause with which angels might sympathize, and which the bolts of heaven might well be launched to aid. But is it such a cause ?-Deceived by misrepresentations, we were ourselves led so to consider it, in its earlier efforts; but a fair examination of facts has undeceived us, and we look in vain either for such a cause or such a people in the Texians. What are the facts?

MOBILE MERCANTILE ADVERTISER.

73

We pledge ourselves to answer the question with a perspicuity which shall defy all future obscuration, and with a rigid adherence to truth which shall defy the most desperate efforts to refute. We have, at present, only room to state, in brief, that the Texian revolution was concerted by the planters and slave speculators in the southern states ever since the first permission given by the Spanish authorities to Moses Austin, of Missouri, in the year 1820, to introduce three hundred families, professing the Catholic religion, as colonists of a grant of land which he obtained on this express condition. From that time to the present moment, the aggressions have been on the part of the colonists, under the sanction of the southern speculators; and not until their purpose of getting a physical force into the province which should detach it from Mexico, and make it a slaveholding state, became flagrant and undisguised, had the settlers ever received aught but protection, encour agement, toleration and kindness, from the Mexican government. They paid no taxes, had their own laws and tribunals, were allowed to profess and exercise all the religions they chose, though contrary to the Mexican constitution; enjoyed all the fruits of a beautiful and bounteous soil without return or tribute to the government to which it belonged, and were, without exception, the freest civilized people upon the face of the earth. But the object of the colonizing land agents of the South was to make this prolific province their own, and the field of a new and lucrative negro slavery. To this they still tenaciously adhere; and if they can induce a strong force of our American youth to shed their blood for the unjust and avaricious cause of slavery, under the name of Texian liberty and independence, they will undoubtedly secure their object. We doubt not the ability of our gallant countrymen to exterminate any number of Mexicans that can be brought against them, but in fighting for the union of Texas with the United States, which is the avowed meaning of "Texian independence," they will be fighting for that which, at no distant period, will inevitably DISSOLVE THE UNION. The slave states, having this eligible addition to their land of bondage, with its harbors, bays, and well bounded geographical position, will ere long cut asunder the federal tie, which they have long held with ungracious and unfraternal fingers, and confederate a new and distinct slaveholding republic, in opposition to the whole free republic of the North. Thus early will be fulfilled the prediction of the old politicians of Europe, that our Union could not remain one century entire; and then also will the maxim be exemplified in our history, as it is in the history of the slaveholding! republics of old, that liberty and slavery cannot long inhabit the same soil.-NewYork Sun, 1836.

The South wish to have Texas admitted into the Union for two reasons. First, to equalise the South with the North, and secondly, as a convenient and safe place calculated from its peculiarly good soil and salubrious climate for a slave population. Interest and political safety both and alike prompt the action and enforce the argument. The South contends that preservation and justice to themselves call for that aid to be tendered to them which would be given by the acquisition of Texas. They are not safe as they are. They are not balanced with the free states. Their exposure to insurrection is fourfold, with not one-fourth the means to redress their grievances. They contend that they have an internal foe within, and an awful foe in all those who demand the emancipation of their slaves, and who call upon them to give up their property now and for ever. The question is, therefore, put by the South to congress and the country. "Shall we have justice done us by the admission of Texas into the Union, whenever that admission may be asked by the Texians themselves?" The question is a fair one, and must soon be met by congress and the nation. The North almost to a man will answer no. The West will be divided, and the discussion of the question will find two strong and powerful parties; the one in favor of Texas, a slaveholding province, and the other against it.Mobile (Ala.) Mercantile Advertiser.

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