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fulva gente, i.e. the Indians. Conf. Sat. xi. 125, “et Mauro obscurior Indus."

petita agrees with bellua.

105. arboribus Rutulis. The emperor's herd of elephants was kept in Latium, near the site of the ancient Lavinium.

106. Caesaris armentum, in apposition to bellua, as if elephanti had been retained as the plural. To keep elephants was one of the imperial privileges, and it was only with the emperor's consent that an elephant could be produced in the

The first private individual who had an elephant was Aurelian, afterwards himself emperor, who received a present of one from the King of Persia. Vopisc. vit. Aurel. 5. Conf. “nulli servire paratum.”

107. siquidem, like eintep, means “if, as is the case,” and so almost “since."

Tyrio . . . Hannibali. Carthage being a colony from the mother-city Tyre, Hannibal is called Tyrian. Conf. Sat. x. 158,

cum Gaetulă ducem portaret bellua luscum.” Hannibal conveyed a number of elephants across the Alps, and used them in several battles.

108. nostris ducibus. The Romans employed elephants in their wars against Philip and Antiochus. Conf. Liv. xxxv. 36.

regique Molosso. Pyrrhus was the first to bring elephants into Italy. The Molossi were a people in Epirus, over which Pyrrhus was king.

109. horum maiores, the ancestors of Caesar's elephants.

110. partem aliquam, an appreciable part.” Conf. Sat. i. 74, ii. 149, iii. 194, 230, xiii. 37; and Verg. Aen. X. 426, Lausus, pars ingens belli.”

euntem in proelia turrim. A wooden tower was fixed on the back of the elephant, in which were placed sometimes as many as fifteen men armed with javelins. Notice the hiatus.

111. Nulla igitur mora. This goes back to line 100.

per Novium, as far as Novius is concerned.” Novius and Hister Pacuvius are captatores. nulla mora ...

quin=“haud dubitant quin.” 112. illud ebur, the elephants aforesaid, or the elephants in question. Conf. the use of vellus in line 4.

114. tantis ... deis-ironically, “such mighty gods," i.e. as the Lares of so rich a lady.

captatoribus horum. They are said to be the captatores of the Lares to whom they are willing to offer such costly victims.

115. Alter, Pacuvius.


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mactare, from root mag, means first to magnify or augment, then to honour by an offering, and lastly to sacrifice a victim. Similarly the idea of slaying is not contained in the root-meaning of θύω.

vovebit—he will devote to the lower gods for the health of Gallitta. Conf. Sat. viii. 257.

118. imponet vittas, in preparation for the sacrifice. Conf. Sat. xiii. 63. So in Verg. Aen. ii. 136, Sinon says, "mihi sacra parari et salsae fruges, et circum tempora vittae.'

si qua est nubilis illi Iphigenia domi—“if he has any marriageable daughter at home. Conf. Sat. v. 138, “nullus tibi parvulus aula luserit Aeneas”; x. 318, "tuus Endymion.”

120. tragicae furtiva piacula cervae. Agamemnon being weather-bound at Aulis was told by Calchas the prophet that he had offended Artemis, and that the wind would only be favourable for the expedition if he offered up his daughter Iphigenia. See Eur. I. T. 28. All preparations were made for the sacrifice when Artemis snatched away the maiden (éférdeyev; conf. “furtiva”) and substituted for her a fawn. The usual story, however, is that she was actually sacrificed. Conf. Verg: Aen. ii. 116, sanguine placastis ventos et virgine caesa. furtiva piacula therefore is the expiatory offering of the fawn brought about by the " theft” of the goddess._tragicae=famous in tragedy. Conf. “fabulosus Hydaspes,” Hor. Od. i. 22, 8; "poetica tempestas,” supra, line 23. Pacuvius will sacrifice his daughter with no expectation of her being miraculously preserved.

121. Laudo meum civem. Conf. Sat. iv. 18.

122. mille rates = xilóvaus otpatós, Eur. Or. 382. The Greeks were usually said to have had 1000 ships, though Homer gives the number at 1186.

si Libitinam evaserit. Conf. Hor. Od. iii. 30, 6, omnis moriar, multaque pars mei vitabit Libitinam.” Conf. the name for undertakers, “libitinarii.” 123. delebit tabulas, the will had a "prima” and “secunda"

See note on Sat. i. 68, and iv. 19. This means that he will erase his former will, in which probably his sui heredes were mentioned, and will give all to Pacuvius in gratitude for the efficacy of his vows.

nassa, a net; the orbus is compared to a fish caught in the net of the captator.

124. meritum, i.e. of having made so many vows for his recovery

omnia soli ... Pacuvio breviter dabit, i.e. will make Pacuvius the heres ex asse, which would require a very short will. Conf. the expression “exiguis tabulis,” and see note on Sat. i. 68.



126. victis rivalibus. Notice the derivation of the word rivalis from rivus—those who have the same brook in common.

127. operae pretium. Conf. Sat. xiv. 281, “granda operae pretium est,” “how much worth while would be the murder of his Mycenian maiden !" i.e. of his daughter, described above as his Iphigenia.

128. Vivat Nestora totum. For similar semi-cognate accusatives conf. “hominem sonare, Cyclopa moveri,” pastorem saltare,” “ Bacchanalia vivunt. For Nestor, conf. Sat. x. 246.

129. quantum rapuit Nero. The rapacity of Nero in despoiling both the nobles at Rome and the provincials abroad was notorious. Conf. Tac. Ann. xv. 45.

130. On nec for neu, conf. Sat. iii. 302, viii. 188.

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1. Exemplo . .. malo, ablative of manner.

2. auctori, the doer of the deed. Conf. Sall. Iug. 1, culpam auctores ad negotia transferunt.”

se iudice nemo nocens absolvitur. Notice the abl. abs., although it refers to the same subject as the finite verb. Prof. Mayor cites Ovid, Amor. ii. 12, 13, “me duce ad hunc voti finem, me milite veni." se iudice=by his own conscience. 4. fallaci praetoris ...

The praetor still presided at the quaestiones perpetuae. There were two means by which he could act corruptly-(1) in the selection of the iudices, which was managed by drawing a certain number of names out of an urn, he might contrive to take those favourable to an acquittal — Cic. pro Mil. § 21, “neque vero, quod nonnulli dictitant secrevit in iudicibus legendis amicos meos ;” or (2) in counting the votes of the iudices when placed in the urn. Each iudex was provided with three tablets-marked A (absolvo), C (condemno), and N L (non liquet). One of these two means is referred to here.

vicerit. Conf. Sat. iv. 136, and the use of vikáw in Greek.

5. Calvine. Martial mentions a Calvinus as a mediocre writer, but Juvenal's Calvinus is probably a fictitious character.

6. Sed nec=åll' ovde, nor on the other hand. The grounds of consolation are four_(1) conscience will condemn if nothing else ; (2) common opinion will condemn ; (3) Calvinus is not ruined ; (4) and only suffers what many have endured before.

10. e medio fortunae ductus acervo, taken from the


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middle of fortune's heap, i.e. taken at random, not selected from the outside.

12. vulnere maior. Conf. “privatis maiora focis," Sat. iv. 66. 13. quamvis levium, however light.

14. spumantibus ardens visceribus. Conf. Sat. i. 45, “iecur ardeat ira.'

15. quod non reddat... depositum. Conf. Plin. ad Trai. 96, where among the crimes which the Christians bound themselves not to commit is mentioned “ne depositum appellati abnegarent.”

17. Fonteio Consule natus. These words conclusively fix the date of this Satire. Where the name of one consul is given to fix a year it is always the name of the senior consul. Now there was a Fonteius Capito consul in 59 A.D., but he was the junior consul ; in 67 A.D. another Fonteius Capito (Tac. Hist. i. 7) was senior consul. This therefore must be the year intended by Juvenal, and accordingly the date of the Satire is 127 A.D., i.e. the tenth year of Hadrian's reign. But there is a further question as to the subject of “haec stupet.” This I formerly took with Friedländer to refer to Juvenal himself.

“A man like me, born sixty years ago, wonders at this excessive anger.” But attractive as it is thus to get the exact date of Juvenal's birth, I am now convinced by the arguments of L. Schwabe (Rheinisches Museum, xl. p. 25 seq.) that it is Calvinus who is referred to, though in the third person instead of the second, as in lines 7-15, “Is a man who has lived sixty years surprised at this dishonesty ? does he profit nothing by so much experience of life?” Line 18 confessedly refers to Calvinus, and it seems both awkward and unnecessary to suppose that 16-17 refer to some one else.

19. Magna quidem, sacris quae dat praecepta, "great indeed are the precepts which,” etc. praecepta is attracted into the relative clause.

sacris . . . libellis. Conf. Milton's “Divine Philosophy.”

20. victrix fortunae sapientia,“ philosophy which conquers fortune. A concrete instance of this is Democritus in Sat. x. 25, cum Fortunae ipsa minaci mandaret laqueum,” and 363. The sense is - Philosophy teaches men to bear reverses of fortune, but actual experience of life is enough for so trivial a misfortune.

22. iactare iugum=detrectare iugum, to toss off. 25. pyxide, a little box in which poison was kept.

27. Thebarum portae, not Thebes in Egypt, which had 100 gates, but Thebes in Boeotia, which had seven. In Aeschylus's

play, Septem contra Thebas, one warrior is posted against

each gate.


divitis ostia Nili. Strabo names seven, and Vergil, Aen. vi. 801, speaks of “septemgeminus Nilus.”

28. Nona aetas agitur. The Tuscan seers divided the course of the world into eight ages, together making up the Annus Magnus. Juvenal here means that such is the present degeneracy of human nature, that they must have passed those eight ages and got into something worse, which he accordingly calls

nona aetas.” I have retained the reading nona aetas, but it is doubtful whether the reading of P. is not right, nunc aetas with peior supplied, “Now an age and generation worse than that of iron is being lived through.'

ferri temporibus. Ovid, Met. i. 89 seq., gives four ages taken from the metals, “aurea, argentea, aenea,” and line 127, “de duro est ultima ferro.” Juvenal's age is so bad that there is no metal base enough in nature to represent it, 31. ciemus,

summon to our aid.” 32. quanto Faesidium laudat vocalis agentem sportula. It was a very common practice for rich causidici to employ the clients to whom they gave the sportula to be present in court, while they were pleading, and applaud them vociferously. Hence the sportula, which found the clients their voices, is called “vocalis. Pliny, Ep. ii. 14, says, “in media basilica sportulae dantur palam ut in triclinio ; hoc pretio subsellia implentur, hoc infiniti clamores commoventur.' Conf. Hor. Ep. i. 19, 37, and Mart. vi. 48. For omission of tanto, conf. Sat. iii. 225, and x. 14.

33. bulla dignissime. On the bulla, or thin plate of gold worn by noble Roman boys, see note to Sat. v. 164.

37. aliquod numen, "some real divinity.” Conf. Sat. ii. 149, esse aliquos manes. rubenti, i.e. with the blood of victims.

38. priusquam sumeret agrestem posito diademate falcem, i.e. in the golden age when Saturn was king. Saturn was expelled from Olympus by Jupiter, and fled to Latium, where he taught the people the art of agriculture : he is here represented with a sickle in his hand. Conf. Verg. Aen. viii.



319 seq.

41. Idaeis Iupiter antris 5-a reference to the well-known story of Jupiter's nurture on Mount Ida in Crete. For “privatus Iupiter,” conf. Sat. vi. 15, “sed Iove nondum barbato.”

43. puer Iliacus, Ganymede. Conf. Sat. v. 59.

Herculis uxor. Hebe was the cup-bearer of the gods before she was married to Hercules.

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