of two chambers, the Legislative Council, of 21 members, nominated by the Crown, and the Legislative Assembly, consisting of 119 members elected by universal manhood suffrage by secret ballot. In Victoria both branches are elective: the Legislative Council, numbering 42 members, elected for six years, one third retiring every two years, by citizens possessing freehold property of £10 annual ratable value, or occupying rented or leasehold property of £25 ratable value, and members of the liberal professions; the Assembly, by universal suffrage for three years. In Queensland there are 34 members in the Legislative Council, nominated by the Crown for life, and 55 in the Assembly, elected by universal suffrage for five years. In South Australia the 24 members of the Legislative Council are elected for nine years by voters possessing the property qualification required. Eight are elected every three years, two from each district, by the whole colony voting as a single district. The 52 members of the House of Assembly are elected by universal suffrage. The Legislative Council can not be dissolved by the executive. In Tasmania there are 16 members in the Legislative Council, elected for six years by citizens possessing a high property qualification, freeholds of £50, or leaseholds of £200 annual value, and 32 in the House of Assembly, elected by smaller freeholders, and householders paying £7 rent, for five years. In New Zealand the Legislative Council consists of 50 members appointed for life by the Crown, and the House of Representatives of 95 members, elected for three years by universal suffrage. There are four native representatives, elected by Maori freeholders or rate-payers. The counties and boroughs possess a certain amount of local self-government and power to assess rates. In Western Australia there is a Legislative Council, composed of 8 nominated and 16 elective members. In all the colonies the executive power is vested in a Governor appointed from England. Except Western Australia, legislative and administrative business is directed by a responsible ministry, as in Great Britain.

The area of the several colonies and their estimated population on Dec. 31, 1883, are as follow:

1885. In preparing the bill the Colonial Office was in constant communication with the cabinet ministers of the various colonies. Owing to divergencies between the colonial governments, Lord Derby's enabling bill was not completed until late in the session. The subject of imperial federation was prominent in the public mind at the time, and had many warm advocates in both parties. The English feeling toward Australia was particularly kindly because of the sending of the Australian contingent to the Soudan, although the offer when made by the New South Wales Premier was but coldly accepted by Lord Derby. The Federal Council bill was, for these reasons, one of the measures that survived the change of ministry, and was passed without serious opposition. During its elaboration New South Wales and New Zealand desired to have as loose and elastic a form of federation as possible. They were very jealous of any invasion of the legislative powers and independence of the individual colonies. The other colonies, following the lead of Victoria, wished to clothe the Council, within the range of subjects intrusted to its consideration, with real powers, and to make the union as binding and durable as possible. At the suggestion of the New South Wales Government, a clause was inserted allowing any colony to withdraw from the federation at any time. The other colonies wished the clause to be struck out; but for fear that New South Wales would refuse to join the federation, it was retained.

Decisions of the Council, recorded and approved before the withdrawal of a colony, were, however, made binding on that colony, This feature was disapproved by Sir Alexander Stuart, the Premier of New South Wales, and after his recovery from sickness in July he asked that it should be altered, saying that otherwise he would be unable to advocate the adoption of the bill in the Colonial Legislature.

The New Zealand ministry proposed in May that all measures passed by the Council should be subject to the ratification of the separate legislatures, but this suggestion was not adopted. The burning question of the annexation of Pacific islands by foreign powers, called forth by the colonization movement in Germany and France, and that of the proximity of penal settlements and the influx of criminals, suggested by the French recidivist bill, gave the first impulse to the federation project. The question of a union for the organization of military and naval defenses became prominent during the Afghan complications. There are many commercial and social subjects on which common laws and common action have been a crying need, yet for which the colonies would not lay aside their jealous rivalries without the impulsion given by these exaggerated anticipations of outside danger. The enabling bill gives them the choice of any degree of union, between their present inconvenient separation and a close federation, with a common army, a

common tariff, unified laws, and the amalgamation of any of their institutions.

The Federal Council enabling bill provides for the constitution of a Federal Council by such of the Australasian colonies as desire to join in the arrangement for the purpose of dealing with such matters of common interest, in respect to which united action is desirable, as can be dealt with without unduly interfering with the management of internal affairs by the respective legislatures. On the Federal Council each Crown colony is to be represented by one, and each other colony by two members, to be appointed in whatever manner and for whatever term the separate legislatures may determine. The number of representatives may be increased at the request of the colonies. The matters that are subject to the legislative authority of the Federal Council are the following: (1) The relations of Australasia with the islands of the Pacific; (2) the prevention of the influx of criminals; (3) fisheries beyond the territorial limits of the colonies; (4) service of civil process outside of the jurisdiction of the colony issuing it; (5) the enforcement of judgments beyond the limits of a colony; (6) the enforcement of criminal process and the extradition of offenders, including deserters of wives and children and deserters from the imperial or colonial military forces; (7) the custody of offenders on board ships beyond territorial limits; (8) any matter that may be referred to the Council by the Crown at the request of the Colonial Legislature; (9) any of certain enumerated matters that may be referred to the Council by the legislatures of any two colonies-viz., general defenses, quarantine, patents, copyright, bills of exchange and promissory notes, uniformity of weights and measures, recognition of marriages and decrees of divorce, naturalization, status of corporations and joint stock companies in other colonies, and any other matter of general Australasian interest as to which it is desirable that there should be a law of general application. In these latter matters the decisions of the Council are binding only on the two colonies initiating the measures, and on such others as may ratify them by their legislatures. Any two or more colonies may refer to the determination of the Council any questions affecting them or their relations with one another. The Imperial Government reserves to itself a veto power over the decisions of the Council. In respect to the first three matters, namely, the relations of Australasia with the Pacific islands, the influx of criminals, and the fisheries, every bill must be submitted to the home Government. In respect to other matters the Governor of the colony in which the Council is sitting may approve or veto a measure in the name of the Queen, or may reserve it for the consideration of the home authorities, or may specify amendments subject to which he will assent to the bill. Yet his superiors can overrule his action and annul

any bill that he has allowed at any time within a year after its receipt in England. The Council is authorized to make representations or recommendations to the Imperial Government in respect to any matters of general Australasian interest or to the relations of the colonies with the possessions of foreign powers. The representation on the Council of a majority of the colonies constitutes a quorum. The Council elects one of its members for President each session. The President has an equal vote with the other members. All questions are decided by a majority vote of the members present. Each member is required to swear or affirm his allegiance to the Queen. The Council will make standing orders for the conduct of business, and appoint temporary or permanent committees to perform duties committed to them, either during the session or not. Expenditures connected with the business of the Council are defrayed in the first instance by the colony in which they are incurred, but are ultimately assessed on the colonies in proportion to their population. To avoid rivalries the Council holds its first session at Hobart, in Tasmania, and will determine for itself where subsequent sessions are to be held. A session is to be held at least once in every two years. At the request of any three governors a special session may be summoned to deal with special matters. The Council will be summoned and prorogued by the governor of the colony in which the session is held at the time. The respective colonies may join or remain outside of the federation as they see fit, or, having joined, may afterward withdraw. The colonies affected are those of Fiji, New Zealand, New South Wales, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia and the Province of South Australia, as well as any other colonies that may be created in Australasia.

The Annexation of Southern New Guinea.-The "White Book," issued by the German Chancellor on the diplomatic dispute with England in reference to the new German colonies, and the English "Blue Book" on the same subject, tended to confirm the suspicion of the Australian colonists that the German annexation of the northern shore of New Guinea west of Huon Bay and east of Astrolabe Bay was conducted in accordance with a secret understanding with the English ministry. Sir Thomas Mellwraith's proclamation of British sovereignty over New Guinea was overruled by the home Government on the ground that there was no evidence of an intention on the part of any foreign power to make a settlement on the shores of New Guinea. In July, 1883, Lord Derby announced in Parliament that it would be regarded as an "unfriendly act" for a foreign government to establish a settlement in New Guinea, and a few days later said that if there were any evidence of such an intention on the part of a foreign power the Colonial Government could communicate with the home

Government by telegraph, and action could be taken within a few hours. As late as Oct. 24, 1884, just before the German occupation of King William's Land, the under-secretary for the colonies denied that there was an understanding with Germany as to the occupation of the northern portion of New Guinea. The understanding, if it existed, must have been reached suddenly; though, according to the statement of Count Herbert Bismarck, when the grievances of Germany against England with regard to delays and hindrances to her colonial policy were confidentially recited to Earl Granville some months before, the English minister asked him whether Germany wanted New Guinea. The question was involved with matters pertaining to Angra Pequeña, Egypt, and other parts of the imperial policy, in such a way that when Germany finally took possession of the fairest portion of New Guinea, the indictment of unfriendliness was shifted to the charge of Great Britain. After the German annexation was effected, a telegram came from London saying that Lord Derby had known of the intention of the German Government for months. The colonial authorities on their part complained in direct and vigorous official language of the neglect of the Imperial Government to fulfill its promises to them. The proclamation of British suzerainty over the feverScourged coast opposite Queensland hardly softened the angry irritation of the colonists. Mr. Service, the Premier of Victoria, ended a memorandum addressed to the Governor of the colony, wherein he expressed his indignation at the want of response of the Imperial Government to the aspirations of the colonies, and its extreme unwisdom in slighting the perpetual and strong representations addressed to it unceasingly for eighteen months on the subject of New Guinea, with a request that steps be authorized by telegraph to save to Australia such of the neighboring islands as are yet available. In addition to the protectorate over the southern shore of New Guinea the colonists obtained the annexation, proclaimed by the commodore of the Australian squadron, of the Luisiade group and Huon Bay, important strategical positions commanding the new German possessions and the approaches to the Australian shore. The assumed fact that the home Government had acceeded to the German occupation of Cape King William without consulting the colonial authorities, and in despite of their earnest objections, exasperated the colonists more than any difference that has occurred between them and the mother-country since the attempt to re-introduce transportation. The feeling that questions affecting their interests, and even their security, should be decided with reference to the continental policy of Great Britain, called forth serious thoughts of separation from the mother-country. Under the excitement of the hour, the only alternative seemed to them to be an Imperial Federation in which they should have a voice in the for

eign policy of England. The Prime Minister of Victoria put forth a manifesto on Jan. 12, 1885, in which he complained that the colonies were subject to an "unqualified" and an "antiquated autocracy" in imperial matters, a humiliating position, and declared that, whatever scheme of federation should be decided upon, it must be one that, "while it can not take away from us anything that we at present possess, must give to the colonies more tangible influence and more legal and formal authority than they have now."

Commodore Erskine, in November and December, 1884, raised the British flag on the south coast, and with curious ceremonial took the native tribes under imperial protection and made the persons who seemed to be the paramount chiefs in the different districts delegates of the Queen. The new protectorate of British New Guinea extended at first from the East Cape to the Dutch boundary, and was then enlarged, at the request of the colonists, so as to take in the north shore of East Cape and Huon Cape as well as the adjacent islands. The British flag was raised in the beginning of January over the various islands of the Luisiade Archipelago, east of New Guinea, over Woodlark Island to the north of these, and over the smaller Long and Rook Islands off the coast of the German colony.

The friction between the English and Cololonial governments prevented the administration provided for British New Guinea from going into operation for a long time after the protectorate was established. The Colonial governments promised to contribute £15,000 toward the expenses of annexing New Guinea. They were disposed to withdraw that offer when the home Government disappointed them by establishing a mere protectorate over a part of the island and then expected them to increase their contribution and to bear the whole cost of administration. Gen. Scratchley was appointed special commissioner for the protectorate of New Guinea and deputy commissioner for the western Pacific. For six months or more that popular and energetic officer went from capital to capital trying to get this question of revenue settled. The Colonial Governments refused to increase their promised appropriations, and demanded that the Imperial Government should participate in the expenditure on New Guinea. The authorities in Downing Street were at length induced to alter their purposes in important particulars so as to meet the views of the Australians. In May, 1885, it was announced that the British Government

taking into consideration the German occupation of a part of New Guinea contrary to the wishes of the colonies, which might increase the obligations and difficulties of the position, and the duty of protecting native interests, which might reduce the local revenue-would entertain the question of an imperial contribution. The message gave as another reason the decision of the Imperial Government to change

the protectorate into a sovereignty, involving the provision of effective jurisdiction over natives and foreigners, the establishment of courts, and machinery for civil administration. The Colonial governments were invited to consult with Gen. Scratchley with regard to the extent of territory inland to be annexed, and to settle the probable annual cost and the contributions they proposed to pay. The proclamation of sovereignty was postponed until the financial arrangements were concluded. The high commissioner proposed to maintain his headquarters on the water, and asked the Colonial Governments to advance, in the form of a loan, £20,000 to provide a steamer and £5,000 to build two stations on shore, at Port Moresby and South Cape, if these were found to be suitable localities. The annual expenses he estimated at £20,000, including £8,000 for staff, deputy commissioners, and police, £8,000 for manning the steamer and patrol-boats, £1,000 for coal, and £3,000 for exploration, surveys, and mails.

Australian Military and Naval Defenses. Since volunteering began in Australia, upward of 80,000 men have been trained in the art of war. The total number of males between the ages of twenty and forty years was, in 1881, 451,700. Not less than £8,000,000 sterling has been expended by the colonies on their defenses. Volunteering was encouraged by liberal land-grant orders given to men who served five years or longer. In 1879 there were over 16,000 volunteers in active service. In the year 1877 the British Government sent out Sir William Jervois and Col. Scratchley to advise the colonial authorities upon the defenses. In accordance with their recommendations forts have been constructed, cannon imported, a trained artillery force established, and a nucleus of a standing army formed in several colonies, around which the volunteer forces can rally. The number of trained men or regulars in Australia, including the artillery, militia, and torpedo corps, exceeds 2,500.

The question of colonial defense enters prominently into the federation movement. Three distinct views are held upon the subject in Australia. One party, the advocates of colonial federation, is in favor of a local defense-union between the colonies, with a common budget and a central administration for military and naval affairs. Another party, representing the idea of Imperial federation, desires to merge the colonial forces into the British army and navy, and to assess upon the colonies a proportional share of the cost of the entire establishment. This would be a return in practice to the system that existed before the withdrawal of the Imperial troops in 1865, with the important difference that the British taxpayer, instead of feeling burdened with the expense and responsibility of defending help less and dependent colonies, would look upon the population and wealth of the colonies as an augmentation of the military resources of

the Empire. A third party approves of an inter-colonial union for land defense, and the creation of an Australian army, the beginnings of which have been made in the separate colonies, but would leave naval defenses in charge of the Imperial authorities, the colonies contributing a fair share of the cost.

In the British House of Lords Viscount Sidmouth proposed that help should be granted the colonies in the form of a number of naval officers authorized to train their sailors and organize a navy, and especially a torpedo force, which would at least constitute their first line of defense. Lord Northbrook replied that many officers would be glad to go out as instructors. He publicly invited from the agentsgeneral the formulation of a scheme for the organization of local naval defenses for the colonies. The Conservative Government issued in the beginning of July a circular dispatch on the subject of Australian naval defenses, and especially the defense of Albany, in Western Australia. Sir Napier Broome, while in England, called attention to the danger of leaving King George's Sound, on which is the town of Albany, open to seizure by an enemy, who from so convenient a base could do damage to British commerce in a few weeks to the extent of millions sterling. Important works for the protection of Port Philip and Melbourne were constructed on the responsibility of the Victoria ministry during the parliamentary vacation, when war seemed imminent. When the sessions opened the Government was not criticised for building the fortifications, but was attacked for awarding contracts to colonial manufacturers when the materials could be obtained more cheaply from England.

The military forces maintained under arms in New South Wales number a little over 2,000 men, costing £85,000 a year. Victoria has about 3,500, including 400 in the navy. When her re-organization is complete she will possess thirteen war vessels, including four cruisers and three torpedo-boats. New Zealand keeps up a large military force, not less than 6,000 men, on account of the Maoris. This colony has lately purchased four torpedo-boats. Queensland has over 500 volunteers, two gunboats, and one torpedo-boat. South Australia is building a cruiser. Tasmania has a rifle corps and an artillery corps, numbering together 550 men. Western Australia has a volunteer force of about the same number.

The Australian Contingent in the Soudan.-The Australian people took but a slight interest in the earlier Egyptian campaigns, which were supposed to be the sequels of an interference in Egypt on behalf of the bondholders. The Khartoum relief expedition, however, they followed with watchful attention. When tidings came that the heroic Gordon was slain, the shock and grief gave rise to a sympathetic impulse to help the mother-country to wipe out the blot on British honor. This feeling was strongest in New South Wales, where there

was the least resentment on account of New Guinea. Mr. Dally, the acting Premier, telegraphed an offer to send a body of men at the expense of the colony. Mr. Service, Premier of the rival colony of Victoria, tendered aid of the same kind. Many thousand pounds were subscribed by private individuals toward the expenses. Men whose wages were three times the soldiers' pay of 28. 6d. per diem volunteered eagerly for the distant expedition.

The home Government accepted the offer of the colony that was foremost and most enthusiastic in its tender of assistance, but courteously declined that of the Victorian authorities. On the 3d of March, sixteen days after the acceptance of the offer, the New South Wales contingent sailed from Sidney amid the cheers of the population. It was composed of 800 men of all arms of the service. The artillery was taken from the permanent force of the colony. All the rest of the men were volunteers. The corps was fully armed and equipped, provided with 200 horses, and supplied with all the necessary stores that could be obtained in the colony. The men were excellent in physique, but had no opportunity to drill, A considerable proportion of them were old soldiers who had served in the British army.

The ministers exceeded their constitutional powers in making the offer, in enlisting the men, and in spending the money. They assumed the responsibility in reliance on popular approval and a parliamentary vote of indemnity. A minority censured the step severely. Sir Henry Parkes, the retired Opposition leader, made himself the spokesman of the party that condemned the quixotic policy of a colony that paid for immigration sending away its best men and impairing its defensive resources to fight in a quarrel in which it had no immediate concern, and sacrificing lives and money without materially benefiting the mother-country.

The Australian troops were only six weeks in the Soudan when, in accordance with the decision of the English Ministry to abandon the campaign announced for the autumn, they were recalled. They suffered severely from heat and fever, but only eight men died. The Colonial Ministry offered their services for Afghanistan; but the English Government declared that they were not needed.

The Russian War-Scare.-The Afghan crisis, instead of strengthening the separatist sentiment developed during the excitement over New Guinea, had the effect of reawakening Australian loyalty to the Imperial connection. In all the colonies the authorities and the citizens co-operated in works of preparation and defense. The war spirit and the animosity against Russia were as strong as in England. The military activity was greatest in Queensland, the most exposed and weakest of the autonomous colonies. During the exciting weeks in April and the beginning of May, the defense force, which was in process of reorganization under a new act of Parliament, was called out

for active service. Meetings were held for the formation of rifle and artillery corps. More than five thousand men were, within a few weeks, either under arms, or undergoing preliminary training. A larger number volunteered, but the Government was unable to supply them with small arms. Fort Lytton, at the mouth of the Brisbane river, was improved and enlarged, and earthworks and redoubts were thrown up along the coast near the capital. A boom was placed across the river, torpedoes were sunk in the channel, the buoys partially removed, and the beaconlights extinguished. Gun-boats were extemporized, and steamers were offered as dispatchboats by private citizens. Orders were given to sink the coal-ships at Townsville, Cooktown, and Thursday Island on the appearance of a suspicious craft. Private owners of vessels were ready to follow out Admiral Tryon's suggestion to destroy their property in order to keep it from falling into the hands of the enemy. At the principal strategic points earthworks were constructed and mounted with heavy cannon. After the fever subsided the corps maintained their drill, and the Government followed up a plan for improving the coast defenses by connecting the points of observation on the coast with Brisbane by telegraph, and by constructing strong fortifications at Thursday Island, the strategical key to Torres Straits, and laying a cable to the mainland.

The American Postal Route.-In consequence of the failure of Congress to increase the subsidy for the Australian mail-service, and of the refusal of the United States Executive to distribute among the steamship-lines an appropriation made available by act of Congress, the Pacific Mail Steamship Company gave notice that the line between San Francisco and Sidney, via New Zealand, would be discontinued after Nov. 1, 1885. This line has been supported since it was started, in 1874, mainly by subsidies from the colonies of New South Wales and New Zealand. The other colonies prefer to send their mails by way of the Cape of Good Hope or the Suez Canal. The two colonies have long complained of the meagerness of the allowance contributed by the United States. At last, New South Wales announced the discontinuance of her subsidy after Nov. 1, 1885. New Zealand was anxious to preserve this mail route, which is much quicker than the Cape route, and offered to furnish two thirds of the necessary subsidy if the United States would pay the rest. As no such arrangement was made, the Colonial Government gave notice of the termination of its contract with the Steamship Company on the same date. The cessation of the Australian steamship service is likely to have an unfavorable effect upon American trade with the Australasian colonies. Since the organization of the line the export trade has increased in value from $3,785,098 in 1874 to $9,225,459 in 1884. There was an excess of exports in the latter year, exclusive